Purpose: The paper’s purpose is to critically discuss how a government institution, the Migration Court in Stockholm, interprets the law and how this interpretation reflects value choices and value priorities.  Methodology/Design: The present paper employs qualitative research methods focusing on discursive social psychology and the interpretative repertoire of “effortfulness”.  Results/Findings: This paper suggests that the definition of values as behaviour predictors helps us understand how state institutions and, in the present study, the Migration Court in Stockholm can express “other-oriented” values.  Value/Originality: The paper’s socio-legal analysis of the humanitarian sector highlights the emergence of the judiciary system as a new humanitarian actor.

Stridsflygplan är en exklusiv resurs som är som mest sårbara när de står på marken. Med anledning av det osäkra omvärldsläget kring Östersjön så har Regeringen identifierat att in- vesteringar i flygbassystemet krävs för att öka flygstridskrafternas överlevnad i händelse av krig. Utifrån John A Warden III teorier om framgångsfaktorer för skydd av flygplan på mar- ken så jämför denna flerfallstudie stormaktens syn med småstatens avseende principer för sådant skydd. Studien syftar indirekt till att ge ledtrådar till utveckling av framtida base- ringskoncept. Resultatet i studien visar på likheter i, t.ex. synen på behovet av spridning av flygplan och utmaningen att logistikförsörja detta men också på skillnader i, t.ex. synen på vilseledande åtgärder. / Fighter Aircraft are an exclusive resource that are most vulnerable when standing on the ground. Due to the uncertain geosecurity situation surrounding the Baltic Sea, the government has determined that investment is required in the airbase system to increase the survival of air force assets in the case of war. Based on John A Warden III theories of factors for success for aircraft protection on the ground, this multi-case study compares the superpower view with that of the small state regarding principles for such protection. The study indirectly aims to provide clues for the development of future wartime basing concepts. The result of the study shows similarities, for example in view of the need for dispersal of aircraft and the logistic challenge of supplying this, as well as differences e.g. in views of deception measures such as screening and camouflage.

En ny geopolitisk våg kan skönjas, Europeiska unionen vill stärka sin geopolitiska makt och små stater som Sverige, Norge och Finland påtalar vikten av samarbete kopplat mot bakgrund av den försämrade säkerhetssituationen. Ett antal händelser visar på detta; den ryska annekteringen av Krim 2014, ökad rysk militär närvaro och styrkeprojektion i olika länders närområden samt geopolitiska infrastrukturprojekt syftandes till maktutövning där Kina är en framträdande aktör.  I ljuset av detta kan en jämförande studie bidra till förståelse och insikter rörande olika säkerhetspolitiska förutsättningar som är till nytta då samarbeten mellan olika länder ökar på det säkerhetspolitiska området. Trender och fokusområden kan klarläggas och därmed fungera som en indikator på vilka säkerhetspolitiska åtgärder som prioriteras för framtiden. Genom en jämförande fallstudie byggd på kvalitativ innehållsanalys undersöks hur länderna Sverige, Norge och Finland valt att kommunicera den säkerhetspolitiska situationen. Analysen tar sin teoretiska utgångspunkt från geopolitiken. De huvudsakliga resultaten visar på att geopolitiken alltjämt är aktuell och genomsyrar det empiriska materialet, men ny teknik och ett globaliserat samhälle skapar nya utmaningar. Sverige, Norge och Finland är alla beroende av stormakters agerande i sitt närområde och utvecklingen i Arktis är av stor betydelse för ländernas säkerhetspolitik. Resultatet visar dock på tre säkerhetspolitiska realiteter som till del skiljer länderna åt.  Utan dessa insikter kan andra geopolitiska intressen bli tongivande i större säkerhetspolitiska samarbeten. För mindre länder, som de tre vi undersökt, kan utvecklingen i värsta fall gå i en ogynnsam riktning. Ökad geopolitisk förståelse kan också bidra till en ökad acceptans och vilja till samarbete länderna emellan. / A new geopolitical wave can be seen, the European Union wants to strengthen its geopolitical power and small states such as Sweden, Norway and Finland stress the importance of cooperation linked to the deteriorating security situation. A number of events indicate this; the Russian annexation of Crimea in 2014, increased Russian military presence and force projection in areas close to other countries, and geopolitical infrastructure projects aimed at the exercise of power where China is a prominent player. In light of this, a comparative study can contribute to understanding and insights regarding different security policy conditions that are useful as cooperation between different countries increases in the field of security policy. Trends and focus areas can be clarified and thus serve as an indicator of what security policy measures will be prioritized for the future. A comparative case study based on qualitative content analysis examines how the countries Sweden, Norway and Finland have chosen to communicate the security policy situation. The analysis takes its theoretical starting point from geopolitics. The main findings show that geopolitics is still current and are present throughout the empirical material, but new technologies and a globalized society create new challenges. Sweden, Norway and Finland are all dependent on the actions of superpowers in their immediate area and developments in the Arctic are of great importance for the surveyed countries security policy. However, the results show three security policy realities that partly differentiate the surveyed countries from each other. Without these insights, other geopolitical interests can become influential in major security policy collaborations. For smaller countries, such as the three we surveyed, the worst-case scenario, is that these interests may be moving in an unfavorable direction. Increased geopolitical understanding can also contribute to increased acceptance and willingness to cooperate between countries.

This thesis aims to determine if there is a discourse of Swedish exceptionalism in the Swedish Government’s Statements of Foreign Policy between 2002 and 2018. Discourse analysis have been used to analyze eight statements, based on a constructivist framework and the theoretical concept of Swedish exceptionalism. Swedish exceptionalism is the idea of Sweden having a self-image of being superior to others, mainly based on the country’s understanding of itself as being a “moral superpower”.   The research question formulated was: Are the Swedish Government’s Statements of Foreign Policy, between 2002 and 2018, articulated through a discourse of Swedish exceptionalism?   To determine if there was a discourse of Swedish exceptionalism in the Statements of Foreign Policy, seven key representations of the concept were established. Those were   Sweden:   1.     being military non-aligned 2.     having an active foreign policy 3.     being pioneering or “leading the way” 4.     bringing security, stability, and peace 5.     being a champion of human rights and democracy 6.     acting as mediator and/or a bridge builder 7.     showing solidarity with “less fortune states” (developing, vulnerable and/or small)   The results of the empirical study were that all key representations were present in all of the statements analyzed, which lead to the conclusion is that the Statements of Foreign Policy between 2002 and 2018 were articulated through a discourse of Swedish exceptionalism.

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This thesis is dealing with the analysis of American attributes of power which formed the USA as a superpower and has influenced the world politics in the 21st century. Hypothesis that the USA is still a superpower on the beginning of the 21st century was confirmed in six chapters. The first part of the diploma thesis presents theoretical and methodological bases, history and development of the United States and its rise to superpower status after the Second World War. The second part of the thesis, the last three chapters which are dealing with current American foreign policy and its relations with other important states and regions, proved the expected results of the hypothesis. Therefore the result of the thesis is that the United States still maintains its leading position of the global superpower despite of its relative political and economic weakness in the recent years.

This thesis examines India’s exercise of its powers that it utilizes in its foreign policy on the international arena. The aim of the study is to determine what international power India can be classified as, and whether it achieves the goals of either being a great- or superpower. This is done by analysing not only the conventional concept of power, that being the hard power concept, but also the relatively newly conceived concept of soft power, originally conceived by the American political scientist Joseph Nye in the 1990s. Therefore, the research methodology is comprised of a theory consuming case study. The following question is being asked: What kind of international power is India? The conclusions being presented illustrate a foreign policy limited in its scope of influence, plagued mostly by institutional impediments due to limited budgets and thus limited resources in both concepts of power. Consequently, India cannot be classified either as a superpower nor a greatpower, but more as a regional one.

This work discusses the change in Indian position in international relations during the Cold War. It is a qualitative case study, which is also dedicated to finding influences that caused the change in the Indian position. Work includes the following sections. The first part describes the theory of international relations relevant to the study of the Indian position within the great power relations. Next part analyzes India's economic development and historical development of India's foreign policy and relations with the most important global actors. The final chapter is a study of global governance institutions and policies of BRICS and its position to the institutions of global governance.

This study discusses the evolutionist approach to African history as an action plan for challenging the hegemony of English in university education and in the teaching and writing of literature in post-independence Africa. The researcher selected Zimbabwe’s university education and literary practice as the microcosm case studies whilst Africa’s university education and literary practice in general, were used as macrocosmic case studies for the study. Some two universities: the Midlands State University and the Great Zimbabwe State University and some six academic departments from the two universities were on target. The researcher used questionnaires to access data from university students and lecturers and he used interviews to gather data from university departmental Chairpersons, scholars, fiction writers and stakeholders in organizations that deal with language growth and development in Zimbabwe. Data from questionnaires was analysed on the basis of numerical scores and percentage of responses. By virtue of its not being easily quantified, data from interviews was presented through capturing what each of the thirteen key informants said and was then analysed on the basis of the hegemonic theory that is proposed in this study. The research findings were discussed using: the evolutionist approach to the history of Africa; data from document analysis; information gathered through the use of the participant and observer technique and using examples from what happened and/or is still happening in the different African countries. The study established that the approaches which have so far been used to challenge the hegemony of English in post-independence Africa are not effective. The approaches are six in total. They are the essentialist, the assimilationist, the developmentalist, the code-switch, the multilingualist and the syncretic. They are ineffective since they are used in a wrong era: That era, is the era of Neocolonialism (Americanization of the world). Therefore, the researcher has recommended the use of the evolutionist approach to African history as a strategy for challenging the hegemony in question. The approach lobbies that, for Africa to successfully challenge that hegemony, she should first of all move her history from the era of Neocolonialism as she enters the era of Nationalism. / African Languages / D. Lit. et Phil. (African Languages)