Stödet för Sverigedemokraterna har ökat för varje år sedan de bildades år 1988 och har för första gången kommit in i riksdagen år 2010. Få undersökningar har gjorts om Sverigedemokraternas väljare. Vår studies syfte är att ta reda på vilka bakomliggande orsaker som ligger till grund för att vissa individer väljer att lägga sin röst på Sverigedemokraterna och försöka förstå hur dessa resonerar. För att uppfylla vårt syfte har vi använt oss av en kvalitativ forskningsmetod där semistrukturerade intervjuer har utförts med tio av Sverigedemokraternas väljare. De teorier vi har applicerat på studien behandlar främlingskap och ett vi och dem tänkande. Vi har använt oss av den tidigare forskning som finns om Sverigedemokraternas väljare för att få en större överblick över hur väljarna som författarna har intervjuat diskuterar. Vår studies resultat visar att respondenterna valde Sverigedemokraterna på grund av ett missnöje mot den invandringspolitik som förs i Sverige idag, ett generellt politikerförakt mot de etablerade politikerna, en oro över att islam ska breda ut sig i Sverige och farhågor över att välfärden inte räcker till.

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The aim of this study was to examine how the political party Sweden Democrats is represented in two Swedish newspapers. The study included a national newspaper and a local newspaper, Aftonbladet and Blekinge Läns Tidning.   We studied 35 articles from both papers, from 2005 and from 2009. We analyzed the texts using the linguist Norman Faircloughs (1995) method for discourse analysis. Based on his theories, we created our own model to examine the texts. Our model primarily focused on representation.   The study was conducted at a time when Sweden Democrats was given much support in opinion polls and knocked on the door to the Swedish Parliament.   The study showed that Sweden Democrats in both newspapers, primarily by descriptions, the choice of interviewees, etc., often are represented as racists. Another phenomenon is that SD in a number of texts often are linked with suspicion and assigned with a hidden agenda. In contrary, we have also found examples of articles that portray SD as any other party in the political spectrum, especially in the articles published in 2009.   Our study aimed to discuss and also showed that here are several complicated problems, both legally and ethically, when dealing with, and reporting about Sweden Democrats.

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<p>Engblom, Gustav (2009) De nya riksdagspartierna och den politiska dagordningen “The new parilament parties and the political agenda.”</p><p>1988 and 1991 the swedish parties <em>Miljöpartiet</em>, <em>Ny demokrati</em> and <em>Kristdemokratiska samlingspartiet</em> made it over the 4 percent threshold and successfully entered the Swedish parliament. Sweden was once described as one of the most stable political systems in the world, but the parliament elections of 1988 and 1991 showed that Sweden was no exception from the growing instability in west democratic political systems.</p><p>The stability and instability that followed in the west democratic political systems is believed to be explained by the political parties’ efforts to adjust to changes in their political environment. This has lead them to cartelize and the cartel party is believed to prefer stability over triumph for various reasons.</p><p>The established political parties are believed to be able to manipulate the political agenda in such a way that political topics that would have caused great turbulence in the political system, if debated, are kept away from the political agenda. This the cartel members do to reduce competition among each another. But these political topics can still cause turbulence in the political system if such an issue is actualized by a new party.</p><p>This essay describes how established party’s propaganda correlates with media’s coverage of the same political issues and how this influence voter preferences. The essay also describes how established parliament parties deals with new parties that aspire to win seats in the Swedish parliament.</p><p>The main conclusion is that media’s coverage has a huge impact on which questions are perceived to be important to the voters and that established parties do not gain from confronting new parties such as <em>Sverigedemokraterna</em>, if their goal is to keep <em>Sverigedemokraterna</em> from getting seats in the Swedish Parliament. It is instead better to “silence them to death.” However if a new party is ignored by the established parties, but manages to convince the public that a crisis will occur if nothing is done to improve current conditions, this strategy backfires, as it did in 1988 when <em>Miljöpartiet</em> became a parliament party.</p><p><strong> </strong></p><p><strong> </strong></p><p><strong> </strong></p><p><strong>Keywords: </strong><em>political agenda; new parties; political instability; media; Sverigedemokraterna</em><strong></strong></p>

The purpose of this paper is to make a qualitative content analysis. The used articles are taken from the time period 2012-11-13 until 2012-11-30 and the questions that this paper is based upon are: How do the tabloid Expressen and the morning newspaper Dagens Nyheter define and diagnose the causes and problems of the iron pipe scandal during the period 2012-11-13 until 2012-11-20? What kind of valuations and solutions does the tabloid Expressen and the morning newspaper Dagens Nyheter provide of the iron pipe scandal during the period 2012-11-13 until 2012-11-30? Does the framing of the iron pipe scandal during the period 2012-11-13 until 2012-11-30 differ between the tabloid Expressen and the morning newspaper Dagens Nyheter? The result of this paper shows that through the tabloid Expressen and the morning newspaper Dagens Nyheter way of framing the Swedish democrats during the period 2012-11-13 until 2012-11-30, the society cannot get another picture of the Swedish Democrats than that they are a right wing populist party.

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This is a study about the relation between the Swedish school and the political system of Sweden. I wanted to see if the relation had changed since the election of 2010 as it was in that election the Sweden Democrats got over five percent of the votes and took seat in the Swedish parliament. The thing that is unique about this election is that it was really the first time a right-wing party had been elected into the Swedish parliament. Many experts argue that this is the first xenophobic party that has been elected into the Swedish parliament. This led to a problem for schools and their principals and a difficult question to answer because xenophobia is contrary to the school’s core values and the school’s democratic mission. Should the school still be open for political parties? How do schools manage to distinguish between political information and political propaganda? If parties still are welcome into the schools, which parties should be allowed? The equality ombudsman has said in a report that the schools have to comply with the principle of objectivity, which stipulates that the public sector has to be unbiased. I have chosen to make use of a qualitative method because I think the study then gets a deeper understanding of the topic. However, it does not provide the same opportunities for generalization as a quantitative method does with a greater range of participants. This study has concluded that Swedish schools are still open for political parties. They have not been scared to invite parties. Schools still arrange debates, and allow political information tables inside their buildings. The principals are of the opinion that the schools should be an open part of the society.