Yes / While few recent studies have paid attention to the relationship between organizational culture (OC) and individual readiness for change (IRFC), there is still a lack of systematic and empirical studies regarding the influence of all OC types on the IRFC components within the change management literature. This study aims to fill this gap in the literature by empirically examining the influence of all four organizational culture types of the competing values framework (CVF) on the components of IRFC regarding TQM implementation, within the context of manufacturing organizations operating in Syria. A total of four hypotheses were proposed for testing. A questionnaire was developed and distributed to 350 Syrian manufacturing organizations (SMOs) in order to measure the level of IRFC and to identify the cultural profiles and characteristics of these organizations. The analysis of the data collected shows that certain types of organizational culture are conducive to fostering IRFC. In particular, the findings of an empirical investigation revealed that group culture and adhocracy culture are the most supportive culture types for IRFC. This paper contributes to the existing literature of change management by providing empirical evidence leading to advancement of knowledge and the understanding of the relationship between OC types and IRFC components. Furthermore, the paper adds value via its contextual originality; being the first study that empirically examined the Syrian cultural context, and hence contributing to the scarce body of literature of both OC and IRFC, and in particular the developing countries.

With the ongoing war in the Gaza Strip, the discussion of hunger as a weapon of conflict has never been more of an actuality. This study aims to further develop the field of hunger and starvation as a means of war. With a theoretical framework from Marx, this study will examinethe relationship between the economy and the implementation of hunger as a weapon in Syria and Yemen. Through the lens of a qualitative comparative case study, which in this field is uncommon, some new perspectives will come to light. The analysis of the empirical material helps answer the two research questions. The study shows an obvious connection between war economics and the occurrence of hunger warfare in both cases. The biggest similarities in the two cases are that both their uses of hunger as a weapon are profit-driven and they earn more by inflicting it than by providing the necessities for their civil population. The biggest differenceis the reasons behind the economic collapse that has led to this type of warfare. The implementation strategies have differed between the two where Syria has used siege tactics whereas Yemen has used blockades in different variations. The biggest similarity though is the use of airstrikes and bombs to destroy crucial places for food supplies and distribution. This essay ultimately shows that hunger warfare in these cases is profit-driven and that the usage of airstrikes is the most common way of inflicting it.

This thesis aims to investigate how the Russian PMSC the Wagner Group affects conflict severity in countries where they operate. To illustrate their impact two countries, The Central African Republic and Syria, will be compared to each other. PMSCs and their effect on conflict dynamics have been studied before, usually by using a quantitive method, and the Wagner Group since their debut to the daylight in 2014 have also received scholarly attention. However, these two fields have not been linked together before and thus will this thesis bring new knowledge to both scientific fields by presenting a qualitative comparative study. The study is based on the social movement theoretical framework of resource mobilization by John D. McCarthy and Mayer N. Zald and sets out to test the theory whitin this new context of conflict dynamics. The result from this thesis shows some correlation between the implementation of the Wagner Group and conflict severity and that resource mobilization can be used to explain changes in conflict dynamics. However, the results isnt´t conclusive, and more research is needed on the subject.

Stemming from U.S.'s ongoing war in the Middle East, this report details the foreign policy of three non-democratic states: Pakistan, Iran and Syria. Foreign policy is affected by many factors within the borders of a state, some of which include: power of the ruler, religion, extent of civil liberties, economy and the state's history. All of these factors, along with a number of others aid in understanding how non-democratic states form their foreign policy. Moreover, a detailed analysis of past conflicts is provided in order to represent how the antagonism came about, the reasons for warfare, the methods used and any attempts at reconciliation. This research has shown that at least in the cases of Pakistan, Iran and Syria, the political and religious leaders have had enormous influence in choosing battles. Although a similar conclusion cannot and should not be made about other states in the Middle East and South Asia, this methodology can be used in assessing foreign policy of other non-democratic states in the area as well. Thus, based on the findings in this thesis, one can infer that non-democratic states have been involved in much warfare due mostly to their rulers. There have been little or no attempts at diplomacy, and these states have almost always resorted to violence. Also, the power of the extremists in these countries is incomparable to the power of any given group around the world. This analysis may be used in efforts to better understand the region, which would aid U.S. in better cooperating with it.

This study examines the nature and patterns of Soviet cultural activities in Egypt and Syria, the motivations behind those activities, and the contribution of the Soviet cultural effort toward the attainment of overall Soviet Middle East policies. Chapter I provides background information on Soviet-Arab relations, and in Chapter II Soviet objectives in the Middle East are examined. Chapter III identifies the important components of the Soviet cultural instrument in Egypt and Syria. Chapter IV assesses the contribution made by the cultural tool toward the attainment of Soviet objectives in Egypt and Syria. Finally, Chapter V demonstrates that the Soviet cultural enterprise exerted little impact on overall Soviet policy in the Middle East.

RÉSUMÉ Cette étude porte sur la présence phénicienne en Syrie du Nord uniquement pendant la première moitié de l’Âge du Fer, i.e entre 1000 et 500 av. J.C. Elle est fondée sur l’analyse des données archéologiques et littéraires des principaux sites côtiers de cette région, al Mina, Ras el Bassit, Tell Kazel, Tell Soukas et Amrit. Après une présentation des caractéristiques culturelles de la civilisation phénicienne, j’aborde l’analyse de ces sites. Les données qui permettent de prouver une présence phénicienne dans la région s’avèrent nombreuses et j’en conclus que les Phéniciens devaient constituer une minorité importante de la population de ces sites, au même titre que les Grecs ou les Chypriotes, la majorité étant d’origine syrienne. Mais dans certains cas, notamment sur les sites les plus proches des grandes capitales phéniciennes, il n’est pas impossible qu’ils aient été majoritaires. L’étude illustrera par ailleurs l’importance du rôle des cités de la Syrie du Nord dans les échanges commerciaux et culturels avec les autres cultures du Sud-Est du bassin méditerranéen, notamment celles de la Grèce, île de Chypre, de la Cilicie et de la Syrie intérieure. / ABSTRACT This study investigates the Phoenician presence in North of Syria only during the first half of the Iron Age, i.e between 1000 and 500 BC. It is based on the analysis of literary and archaeological data of the coastal region, al Mina, Ras el Bassit, Tell Kazel, Tell Souka and Amrit. After a presentation of the cultural characteristics of the Phoenician civilization, I turn to the analysis of these sites. The data that can prove a Phoenician presence in the region are many and I find that the Phoenicians constituted a significant minority of the population of these sites, like the Greeks or Cypriots, and the majority being of Syrian origin. But in some cases, particularly at sites near major Phoenician capitals, it is not impossible that they were the majority. The study also illustrates the importance of the cities of North Syria in trade and cultural exchanges with other cultures of South-Eastern Mediterranean, including those of Greece, Cyprus, Cilicia and of inland Syrian.

Doctorat en philosophie et lettres / info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

No description available.

The article focuses on the current situation in Syria in light of international criminal law and international humanitarian law. In particular, the author focuses on events and developments carried out from mid 2013 until September 2014. The author begins her research by providing a brief summary of the reasons that have lead to an armed conflict in Syria, and, inturn, examines the issue of the humanitarian consequences of the conflict, as well as some of the measures that have been adopted by the international community to address such consequences. Some of the main sources for this article are the reports adopted by the Independent International Commission of Inquiry on the Syrian Arab Republic, which provide a crucial tool in order to assess the legal nature and characterization of the armed conflict, particularly in light of the increasing presence of new parties to the conflict. The evolution of the conflict allows the author to further examine the nature of the specific crimes that are being documented in Syria, giving way to an analysis within the field of international criminal law and international criminal responsibility. In the last section, the author examines the role of the UN Security Council in ensuring accountability for crimes in Syria. In particular, the vote on the referral of the Syria situation to the International Criminal Court is thoroughly assessed, leading, in turn, to the current debate on the use of the veto in situations involving crimes under international law. / El presente artículo analiza la situación actual en Siria a la luz del derecho penal internacional y el derecho internacional humanitario. El artículo se enfoca, principalmente, en los desarrollos que tuvieron lugar a partir de mediados de 2013 hasta septiembre de 2014. La autora inicia su investigación con un breve resumen del devenir del conflicto, para luego proceder a analizar las consecuencias humanitarias del mismo y algunas medidas adoptadas por la comunidad internacional. Seguidamente, y tomando como fuente esencial de investigación los informes de la Comisión Internacional Independiente de Investigación sobre la República Árabe de Siria (Comisión de Investigación sobre Siria), la autora analiza la naturaleza y calificación jurídica del conflicto, tomando en cuenta la presencia de nuevos actores en el conflicto. A su vez, la evolución del conflicto exige el análisis de los crímenes concretos que se vienen cometiendo en Siria, lo que lleva a la autora al plano del derecho penal internacional y la responsabilidad penal internacional del individuo. Finalmente, la autora procede a analizar detalladamente el rol del Consejo de Seguridad en promover medidas de accountability en Siria, lo cual lleva al análisis detenido de la votación en el seno del Consejo en torno a la remisión de la situación en Siria a la Corte Penal Internacional, así como al debate actual respecto al empleo del derecho al veto ante situaciones que involucran crímenes bajo el derecho internacional.

Abstract: In 2011, the Libyan and Syrian crises caught the attention of the media and international society. Whereas the former reached a positive outcome in compliance with the application of the Responsibility to Protect norm, the latter continues to claim the lives of thousands of people to this day. Despite calls by the international community, China and Russia continue being an impediment for the adoption of measures in Syria in the name of the Responsibility to Protect. Their arguments are in line with the criticized Libyan intervention. Nevertheless, it is possible that the real reasons behind this shift of attitude from one crisis to another, are nothing more than a neo-realistic response to regional politics. Keywords: Libya, Syria, Responsibility to Protect (RtoP), Neo-realism, Social constructivism, China, Russia.