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[pt] O Projeto UNESCO (1950) colocou o Brasil no centro das discussões sobre relações raciais no mundo. Visto a partir do prisma da democracia racial, orgulho nacional, o Brasil foi tema de pesquisas sociológicas e antropológicas acerca das formas de harmonia social e racial que poderiam ser um elemento chave contra conflitos étnicos-raciais, como o Holocausto Judeu durante a II Guerra Mundial. Contudo, a realidade interna brasileira em nada se relaciona com a pretensa democracia racial propagada pelo mundo, negando, desumanizando e exterminando a população negra em todo o país. Com isso, essa pesquisa aborda o pensamento internacional em torno da democracia racial brasileira em contraposição com a realidade doméstica do país de genocídio do povo negro. Esse fato coloca em evidência a falácia da leitura das Relações Internacionais do Estado como ator unitário e racional no Sistema Internacional. Da mesma forma, esforça-se por demonstrar como o mito de democracia racial e o epistemicídio contra intelectuais afrodiaspóricos tende a negar sua participação na interpretação do lugar do Brasil no mundo na construção do curso de Relações Internacionais no país. Para tal, divide-se este artigo em três distintas seções: a primeira aborda os conceitos de raça, branquitude e colonialidade como inerentes ao Brasil e academia de RI. A segunda seção apresenta o Projeto UNESCO, seus debates e conflitos, como possibilidade de lançar luz sobre a realidade racial não democrática brasileira. Por fim, a terceira seção se interessa em conectar o Projeto UNESCO com a academia de RI no país, a fim de expressar como a disciplina ignora a realidade doméstica em nome da unidade e racionalidade estatal. / [en] The UNESCO Project (1950) placed Brazil at the center of discussions on race relations in the world. Seen from the perspective of racial democracy, national pride, Brazil was the subject of sociological and anthropological research on forms of social and racial harmony that could be a key element against ethnic-racial conflicts, such as the Jewish Holocaust during World War II. However, the Brazilian internal reality has nothing to do with the alleged racial democracy propagated by the world, denying, dehumanizing and exterminating the black population across the country. In doing so, this research approaches the international thought around the Brazilian racial democracy in opposition to the domestic reality of the country of genocide of the black people. This fact highlights the fallacy of reading the State s International Relations as a unitary and rational actor in the International System. Likewise, it strives to demonstrate how the myth of racial democracy and the epistemicide against afrodiasporic intellectuals tends to deny its participation in the interpretation of Brazil s place in the world in the construction of the International Relations course in the country. To this end, this article is divided into three distinct sections: the first addresses the concepts of race, whiteness and coloniality as inherent to Brazil and the IR academy. The second section presents the UNESCO Project, its debates and conflicts, as a possibility to shed light on the Brazilian non-democratic racial reality. Finally, the third section is interested in connecting the UNESCO Project with the IR academy in the country, in order to express how the discipline ignores domestic reality in the name of state unity and rationality.

The myth of the citizen-soldier resonates strongly in the American imagination and helps (re)construct America the nation. The construction of this myth in the historical context of World War II is especially prominent in contemporary American culture. The myth of the World War II citizen-soldier functions as an individualized discursive formation with specific rules of formation. I contextualize the construction of this individualized discursive formation within the historical era of World War II, and show how it excludes in direct contradiction to the ideals of civic nationalism that shaped the concept of national citizenship of that era. The United States military, which changed to an All Volunteer Force in 1973, functions as a neoliberal state apparatus in modern America. However, the United States Military still largely relies on the rules of formation and the ideals of civic nationalism in order to recruit volunteers for its forces. Traces of the myths of World War II, particularly the myth of the citizen-soldier, can still be found in the United States Army's recruitment material in its current "Army Strong" campaign despite the contradictory ideals of civic nationalism and neoliberalism. I conduct a Critical Discourse Analysis of three recruitment television commercials from the "Army Strong" campaign aired in 2009. I explain how the United States Army uses both the ideals of civic nationalism and the characteristics of neoliberalism in order to encourage potential recruits to join its ranks. / Master of Arts

Since before recorded history, werewolves have captivated human imagination. Simultaneously, they represent our deepest fears as well as our desire to connect with our primal ancestry. Today, werewolves are portrayed negatively, associated with violence, cruelty, cannibalism, and general malevolence. However, in ages past, legends depicted them not as monsters, but as a range of neutral to benevolent individuals, such as traveling companions, guardians, and knights. The robust legacy of the werewolf spans from prehistory, through ancient Greece and Rome, to the Middle Ages, into the Early Modern period, and finally into present-day popular culture. Over the ages, the view of the werewolf has become distorted. Media treatment of werewolves is associated with inferior writing, lacking in thought, depth, and meaning. Werewolves as characters or creatures are now generally seen as single-minded and one-dimensional, and they want nothing more than to kill, devour, and possibly violate humans. Hollywood depictions have resulted in the destruction of the true meanings behind werewolf legends that fascinated and terrified humans for so many ages. If these negative trends were reversed, perhaps entertainment might not only discover again some of the true meanings behind the werewolf myth, but also take the first steps toward reversing negative portrayals of wolves themselves, which humans have, for eons, wrongfully stigmatized and portrayed as evil, resulting in wolves receiving crueler treatment than virtually any other animal. To revive the many questions posed by lycanthropy, entertainment must show respect to the rich history of the legend — and rediscover the benevolent werewolf. / Master of Arts

Gérard Garouste est reconnu en tant qu’artiste peintre et sculpteur français contemporain et fondateur de l’association humanitaire La Source. Notre mémoire cherche à dévoiler la place du discours personnel dans son interprétation des mythes. Nous présentons l’exposition de mars-avril 2018, Zeugma le Grand oeuvre drolatique, afin de mettre en lumière l’évidente relation entre l’homme et l’artiste pour redéfinir dans ses oeuvres le lien étroit entre son art, sa maladie et son histoire. Le regard que nous portons sur l’exposition s’appuie sur la question du mythe, et précisément sa fonction dans le développement de l’être humain, afin d’en comprendre l’application dans le mythe garoustien. Pour ce faire, nous prenons comme appui le processus de mythification de Gérard Bouchard fin d’analyser les enjeux sous-jacents à la création d’un mythe dans le cadre de notre corpus. Nous présentons les trois oeuvres majeures de l’exposition afin d’en étudier la composition structurale et démontrer leur complémentarité. Aussi, à l’aide du concept de la mémoire collective et de son autobiographie, nous analysons la manière dont le corpus relève d’une recherche identitaire individuelle dont témoigne l’exposition. / Gérard Garouste is recognized as a contemporary French painter, sculptor, and the founder of the humanitarian association La Source. Our brief seeks to reveal the place of personal discourse in its interpretation of myths. We present the exhibition of March-April 2018, Zeugma the Great Drolatic Work, in order to highlight the obvious relationship between man and artist to redefine in his works the close link between his art, his illness, and his history. Our view of the exhibition is based on the question of myth, and precisely its function in human development, in order to understand its application in the Garoustian myth. To do this, we take as support the process of mythification of Gérard Bouchard in order to analyze the issues underlying the creation of a myth within the framework of our corpus. We introduce the three major works of the exhibition in order to study their structural composition and demonstrate their complementarity. In addition, using the concept of collective memory and its autobiography, we analyze the way in which the corpus arises from an individual search for identity as evidenced by the exhibition.

Le présent mémoire étudie les relations ambivalentes qu’entretient l’œuvre de Pierre Michon avec les positions d’autorité filiale, linguistique, littéraire et historique. Le rapport double – entre destitution et idéalisation de l’autorité – agit comme une matrice symbolique à partir de laquelle l’auteur déploie une série d’oppositions qui régissent ses récits et sa propre fonction auctoriale : le père et le fils, l’illettré et le beau parleur, la gloire et la chute, l’image et l’icône, le corps et la lettre. De ces positions, trois thèmes principaux font saillie : le transfuge culturel, le « grand écrivain » et le tyran révolutionnaire. Ces thématiques fonctionnent sur trois échelles – sociofamiliale, littéraire, politico- historique – qui régissent la structure tripartite du mémoire. Dans le premier chapitre, j’analyse l’émergence des Vies minuscules (1984), livre de huit hagiographies où le rapport entre l’exiguïté culturelle du milieu d’origine et l’imposture linguistique se pose comme principale tension énonciative. Le deuxième chapitre porte sur la destitution et la glorification de trois figures d’auteurs (Rimbaud, Beckett, Faulkner), par le biais de l’ambivalence structurale du corps faillible, du mythe et de l’iconographie. Le troisième chapitre, sur Les Onze (2009), traite de la fabrique de l’autorité politique dans sa relation avec les structures pulsionnelles et la représentation du pouvoir. Par le passage d’un chapitre à l’autre est ainsi tracé le fil d’Ariane des fictions michoniennes : toute autorité est réversible parce que basée sur une négativité fondamentale qui rend impossible l’appropriation absolue du symbolique. / This thesis examines the ambivalent relationship that Pierre Michon's work maintains with positions of filial, linguistic, literary and historical authority. This twofold relationship - between destitution and idealization of authority - acts as a symbolic matrix from which the author deploys a series of oppositions that govern his narratives and his own auctorial function: father and son, the illiterate and the smooth talker, glory and decline, image and icon, body and letter. From these positions, three main themes protrude: the cultural transfuge, the "great writer" and the revolutionary tyrant. These themes operate on three scales - socio-familial, literary, politico-historical - which govern the tripartite structure of the thesis. In the first chapter, I analyze the emergence of Vies minuscules (1984), a book of eight hagiographies in which the relationship between the cultural exiguity of the native milieu and linguistic imposture is posited as the main enunciative tension. The second chapter focuses on the destitution and glorification of three authorial figures (Rimbaud, Beckett, Faulkner), through the structural ambivalence of the fallible body, myth, and iconography. The third chapter, on Les Onze (2009), deals with the manufacture of political authority in its relation to drive structures and the representation of power. The passage from one chapter to the next thus traces the Ariadne's thread of Michonian fictions: all authority is reversible because it is based on a fundamental negativity that makes absolute appropriation of the symbolic impossible.