Thesis (M.A.)--Boise State University, 2009. / Includes abstract and vita. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 69-72).

Thesis (M.A.)--Boise State University, 2009. / Title from t.p. of PDF file (viewed May 24, 2010). Includes abstract and vita. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 69-72).

Thesis (Ph.D.)--York University, 2007. Graduate Programme in Ethnomusicology and Musicology. / Typescript. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 372-386). Also available on the Internet. MODE OF ACCESS via web browser by entering the following URL: http://gateway.proquest.com/openurl?url_ver=Z39.88-2004&res_dat=xri:pqdiss&rft_val_fmt=info:ofi/fmt:kev:mtx:dissertation&rft_dat=xri:pqdiss:NR29325

This thesis provides analysis of the networks of power and authority, which interconnect commonly referenced sources of knowledge about Tuvan throat singing. These sources–books, websites, performances, a documentary film, CD liner notes, and the individuals involved in their production–comprise a substantial portion of contemporary public discourse that represents Tuva and its musical practices to the English speaking world and serve to produce “experts” and “expert knowledge” of throat singing. This work also shows how public discourse of Tuva forms an “authentic”, homogenous, romanticized and spiritualized pan-Asian identity centered on the practices of throat singing, shamanism, and nomadism. The conclusion offers an explanation as to why the public discourse focused on Tuvan throat singing locates the “authentic” in rural Tuva, why throat singing is so often aligned with the spiritual, the healing, and the eternal, and why such conceptions serve to benefit the careers of those involved with the production of such an image. This chapter also explores whether or not representing Tuva with an idealized and romanticized image places Tuvans and related ethnic groups at a disadvantage socially, politically, and economically. / text

This thesis is about curses. It shows how the mechanics of cursing are intrinsically linked to shamanic practice in the ethnographic context of social, economic and political shifts in post-Soviet Kyzyl, the capital of the Autonomous Republic of Tuva. Moving beyond discourses that understand 'economics' as narrowly pertaining to wealth, power and the circulation of goods, the thesis explores curses as distinct social mechanisms within an 'occult economy' that constitutes a wider sociocosmic politics emergent from human and non-human interactions. Along these lines, while presenting Tuvan shamanism as central to cursing phenomena, the thesis explores the distinctiveness and efficacy of shamanic practice as a form of artistry embedded in instrument-derived (shamanic drum) and human (the shaman's voice) sound production. Thus, it challenges the 'classical' readings of shamanism which emphasise trance and mediumship usually seen as involving significant changes in the 'physical' and 'psychic' states of the shamans. Contextualizing cursing in the practice of Tuvan shamanism, the thesis illuminates the significance of sound creation among Tuvans in order to introduce the notion of 'turbulence' as integral not only to shamanic sound production, but also to immediate experiences of cursing and the overall patterning of the cosmos. More than that, bringing sounds and turbulence together in the context of shamanic rituals, it shows how sounds are imbued with a potency of their own rather than simply constituting a sonorous aspect of shamanic words. Along these lines, it contributes to a better understanding of im/materiality and the logic of representation. Lastly, exploring the multiplication of curses in the post-Soviet context, the thesis also offers an interpretative framework which unveils how occult phenomena can become efficacious analytical tools, allowing us to grasp the mosaic-like characteristics of the sociocultural contexts in which they are embedded. In this way, the thesis attempts to emancipate 'occultism' from the rigid dichotomies of tradition and modernity, and challenge those anthropological approaches to post-colonial transformations which emphasise cultural revivalism and ethnic identity, remaining caught in the usual dynamics of 'the old' and 'the new' - dynamics we need to leave behind.

I det här arbetet har jag studerat två sibiriska musiktraditioner som sammanför flera folkgrupper, för att sedan komponera ett orkesterstycke utifrån det. De två traditionerna som representeras i stycket är strupsångsmusik och schamanism, och genom att jämföra det färdiga resultatet med källmaterialet har jag sett hur musiken har förändrats genom processen. Jag har också undersökt hur processen har sett ut i de två delarna, och kommit fram till att den ser väldigt olika ut beroende på källmaterialets natur. I kompositionen har jag lagt till ett antal citat och referenser till den musik jag har utgått ifrån, och därför har jag behövt förhålla mig till begreppet “kulturell appropriering”. Det är ett komplext begrepp, men genom att jämföra kompositionen med källmaterialet har jag kommit fram till att musiken delvis faller under kulturell appropriering, eftersom jag som utomstående har tagit en musikstil ur sitt sammanhang. Den faller däremot inte under kulturell misappropriering, eftersom jag direkt bejakar musikens ursprungliga sammanhang och gör den mer synlig, bland annat genom det här arbetet.

<h2>BIOGAS POTENTIAL IN GRASSES FROM WETLANDS</h2><p><em>Marvin Martins</em></p><p>The purpose of this study has been to survey wetlands that are suitable for mowing and to analyze the biogas potential in the harvested grasses. A preformed investigation showed that there are suitable wetlands, which can be harvestable, namely those mowed formerly in traditional haymaking. The practice of traditional haymaking is dying out in Sweden today but there are several good reasons why it should to be reconsidered. Nature- and cultural values are obvious, also the unutilized energy in the grass.</p><p>The suitable types of wetland that were specifically studied were the productive wetlands; meadow marshes and wet meadows. These wetlands are represented in the Swedish meadow- and pasture inventory database; (TUVA) and the Swedish national wetland inventory (VMI). Going through the databases showed that they largely complement each other. A geographical mapping was also carried out of wetlands in relation to areas of interest for the future establishment of biogas plants, so called “hotspots”. The geographical survey shows that there is ample amount of grass from wetlands within a 30-kilometer radius that can supplement the plants main substrate, manure. The map layer Swedish Ground Cover Data (SMD) together with GIS software was used to analyze the extent of overgrowth for the older VMI objects in Uppsala County, with the result that half of the VMI objects are no longer of interest. They have become either woodland and bogs, or reed beds.</p><p>There is very little information on wetland-grasses and methane production. Instead, a theory was evaluated regarding the possibility of transforming nutritional values for grass and sedges into biogas potentials. It was shown that this method does not capture the total biogas potential, but offers a minimum value that can be considered rather reliable. The energy transformation showed that late harvested grasses from wetlands has a biogas potential about 0, 21Nm³methane/ (kg, DM) which is about 60 % of the biogas potential for grass-legume forages. The gas yield after 20 days is also relatively low. It could though be favorable to try grasses from wetlands in methane production, because co-digestion with these grasses and other suitable materials could produce a higher net gas yield for the plant, than using the materials solely by themselves. The derived biogas potential showed that there is at least 4, 4 GWh biogas energy in grasses from wetlands in Uppsala county at a low estimate. Harvesting costs were however shown to be too high in the present to achieve a plus result.</p> / <h2>BIOGASPOTENTIAL HOS VÅTMARKSGRÄS</h2><p><em>Marvin Martins</em></p><p>Syftet med detta arbete har varit att kartlägga våtmarker i Biogas Östs region lämpliga att skörda samt att undersöka biogaspotentialen i detta våtmarksgräs. Undersökningen visar att det finns lämpliga våtmarker, så kallade slåtterängar, i den undersökta regionen. Traditionell slåtter är en utdöende företeelse i Sverige men det finns flera goda argument till varför den borde återupptas. Natur- och kulturvärden är givna sådana men även den outnyttjade energin i gräset.<em></em></p><p>Våtmarkstyper som specifikt har studerats är de produktiva våta slåtterängarna; fuktängar, strandängar och mader. Dessa våtmarker finns representerade i Ängs- och betesmarksinventeringens databas; TUVA och våtmarksinventeringens VMI. En genomgång av databaserna visade att de i stor utsträckning kompletterar varandra. En geografisk kartläggning har även utförts på slåttermarker i förhållande till intressanta områden för framtida biogasanläggningar, så kallade ”hotspots”. Kartläggningen visar att det finns gott om våtmarksgräs inom en tremilsradie som kan komplettera anläggningarnas huvudsubstrat, gödsel. Kartskiktet Svenska Marktäckedata (SMD) tillsammans med GIS-programvara har använts för att analysera hur mycket de äldre VMI-objekten i Uppsala län har växt igen, med resultatet att hälften av VMI-våtmarkerna är inaktuella i dagsläget. De har antingen växt igen med mossor och träd eller blivit vassbälten.</p><p>Det finns ytterst begränsat med information kring rötdata på våtmarksgräs. Istället utvärderades en teori, om fodervärden för ett par gräs- och starrarter kan omvandlas till biogaspotentialer. Det visade sig att denna metod inte ger den maximala biogaspotentialen men ett minimivärde erhålls som kan betraktas som ganska tillförlitligt. Energiomvandlingen visar att sent slåttat våtmarksgräs har en biogaspotential runt 0,21 Nm³ metan/(kg, TS) vilket är omkring 60 % av den odlade åkervallens biogaspotential. Gasutbytet efter 20 dagars rötning är också relativt lågt. Trots detta kan det vara fördelaktigt att röta våtmarksgräs, eftersom samrötning mellan detta och annat lämpligt material kan ge ett högre nettogasutbyte för anläggningen än rötning av de enskilda materialen var för sig. Den framtagna biogaspotentialen visar att det finns minst 4,4 GWh biogasenergi i våtmarksgräs från till exempel Uppsala län, lågt räknat. Slåtterkostnaderna har dock visat sig vara för höga för att få det att gå ihop ekonomiskt i dagsläget.</p>

BIOGAS POTENTIAL IN GRASSES FROM WETLANDS Marvin Martins The purpose of this study has been to survey wetlands that are suitable for mowing and to analyze the biogas potential in the harvested grasses. A preformed investigation showed that there are suitable wetlands, which can be harvestable, namely those mowed formerly in traditional haymaking. The practice of traditional haymaking is dying out in Sweden today but there are several good reasons why it should to be reconsidered. Nature- and cultural values are obvious, also the unutilized energy in the grass. The suitable types of wetland that were specifically studied were the productive wetlands; meadow marshes and wet meadows. These wetlands are represented in the Swedish meadow- and pasture inventory database; (TUVA) and the Swedish national wetland inventory (VMI). Going through the databases showed that they largely complement each other. A geographical mapping was also carried out of wetlands in relation to areas of interest for the future establishment of biogas plants, so called “hotspots”. The geographical survey shows that there is ample amount of grass from wetlands within a 30-kilometer radius that can supplement the plants main substrate, manure. The map layer Swedish Ground Cover Data (SMD) together with GIS software was used to analyze the extent of overgrowth for the older VMI objects in Uppsala County, with the result that half of the VMI objects are no longer of interest. They have become either woodland and bogs, or reed beds. There is very little information on wetland-grasses and methane production. Instead, a theory was evaluated regarding the possibility of transforming nutritional values for grass and sedges into biogas potentials. It was shown that this method does not capture the total biogas potential, but offers a minimum value that can be considered rather reliable. The energy transformation showed that late harvested grasses from wetlands has a biogas potential about 0, 21Nm3 methane/ (kg, DM) which is about 60 % of the biogas potential for grass-legume forages. The gas yield after 20 days is also relatively low. It could though be favorable to try grasses from wetlands in methane production, because co-digestion with these grasses and other suitable materials could produce a higher net gas yield for the plant, than using the materials solely by themselves. The derived biogas potential showed that there is at least 4, 4 GWh biogas energy in grasses from wetlands in Uppsala county at a low estimate. Harvesting costs were however shown to be too high in the present to achieve a plus result. / BIOGASPOTENTIAL HOS VÅTMARKSGRÄS Marvin Martins Syftet med detta arbete har varit att kartlägga våtmarker i Biogas Östs region lämpliga att skörda samt att undersöka biogaspotentialen i detta våtmarksgräs. Undersökningen visar att det finns lämpliga våtmarker, så kallade slåtterängar, i den undersökta regionen. Traditionell slåtter är en utdöende företeelse i Sverige men det finns flera goda argument till varför den borde återupptas. Natur- och kulturvärden är givna sådana men även den outnyttjade energin i gräset. Våtmarkstyper som specifikt har studerats är de produktiva våta slåtterängarna; fuktängar, strandängar och mader. Dessa våtmarker finns representerade i Ängs- och betesmarksinventeringens databas; TUVA och våtmarksinventeringens VMI. En genomgång av databaserna visade att de i stor utsträckning kompletterar varandra. En geografisk kartläggning har även utförts på slåttermarker i förhållande till intressanta områden för framtida biogasanläggningar, så kallade ”hotspots”. Kartläggningen visar att det finns gott om våtmarksgräs inom en tremilsradie som kan komplettera anläggningarnas huvudsubstrat, gödsel. Kartskiktet Svenska Marktäckedata (SMD) tillsammans med GIS-programvara har använts för att analysera hur mycket de äldre VMI-objekten i Uppsala län har växt igen, med resultatet att hälften av VMI-våtmarkerna är inaktuella i dagsläget. De har antingen växt igen med mossor och träd eller blivit vassbälten. Det finns ytterst begränsat med information kring rötdata på våtmarksgräs. Istället utvärderades en teori, om fodervärden för ett par gräs- och starrarter kan omvandlas till biogaspotentialer. Det visade sig att denna metod inte ger den maximala biogaspotentialen men ett minimivärde erhålls som kan betraktas som ganska tillförlitligt. Energiomvandlingen visar att sent slåttat våtmarksgräs har en biogaspotential runt 0,21 Nm3 metan/(kg, TS) vilket är omkring 60 % av den odlade åkervallens biogaspotential. Gasutbytet efter 20 dagars rötning är också relativt lågt. Trots detta kan det vara fördelaktigt att röta våtmarksgräs, eftersom samrötning mellan detta och annat lämpligt material kan ge ett högre nettogasutbyte för anläggningen än rötning av de enskilda materialen var för sig. Den framtagna biogaspotentialen visar att det finns minst 4,4 GWh biogasenergi i våtmarksgräs från till exempel Uppsala län, lågt räknat. Slåtterkostnaderna har dock visat sig vara för höga för att få det att gå ihop ekonomiskt i dagsläget.

俄羅斯作為一個多民族的聯邦國家，自一九九一年獨立以後採行市場改革與民主制度，轉型後面臨國家、民族與民主化的多重挑戰。民主轉型是一條冗長而複雜的道路，而且通常不是一條坦途。俄羅斯也不可避免要面對這樣的挑戰。俄羅斯的聯邦制度承繼了前蘇聯的遺緒，前蘇聯的民族區域自治政策相當程度的影響了俄羅斯的聯邦制度。聯邦制度被許多人視為是一種能容納民族多元文化的制度化機制，但是採行聯邦制的俄羅斯一開始就面對蜂擁而至的民族分離勢力，統一成為議題而非共識，聯邦制度與民族自治的關係與發展成為攸關俄羅斯未來的一項重要問題，本文就選擇俄羅斯的聯邦制與民族自治作為論文主題，而以一九九○年作為分析的中心。 本文研究架構從新制度主義的研究途徑來探討後共時期的俄羅斯，我們在文中有三項主要的分析架構。首先，我們選擇由轉型學中的一項相當顯著的概念－「協議轉型」，來省視它的民主化過程。我們使用政治學家卡爾對協議的探討，他分析協議內涵包括基礎性與管理性，對於協議有進一步的瞭解。同時，他使用策略與主導力量的變數作出了民主轉型的類型表，本文作者則修正其類型表增加兩項變數，從使用策略與主導力量的角度來分析俄羅斯轉型過程中，涉及聯邦制度與地區自治的幾項協議，包括《聯盟條約》、《聯邦條約》、《俄羅斯聯邦憲法》、《俄韃條約》、《公民協定》與《權力分享協定》作為分析對象；此外，也將俄羅斯轉型初期地區力量最為凸顯的韃靼斯坦與車臣兩個民族共和國，以及本文所分析的三個個案－喀爾瑪克、布里亞特與圖瓦，也一併置於類型表中作分析。這些協議除了《公民協定》以外，其餘協議對於俄羅斯聯邦制度的發展以及俄羅斯聯邦與地區的關係都有影響。我們在此發現，除了《俄羅斯聯邦憲法》是屬於「菁英與群眾合作」的「強制接受」的類型外，其餘都是「協商妥協」中的「菁英優勢」類型。雖然絕大多數的協議都是以協商妥協的方式通過，但是因為國家根本大法憲法以強制方式通過，也是造成俄羅斯後來政局不穩定的最主要因素之一。其次，我們從多位政治學者對聯邦制度的理論探討，包括不對稱聯邦制度的分析，來探討俄羅斯聯邦制度的安排，由俄羅斯聯邦憲法對於中央與地區的權力劃分來詳細分析俄羅斯聯邦制度的特徵。從學者分析不對稱聯邦制度模式會有衝突的潛在性，對聯邦制度的發展不具正面的功能，甚至可能會危及聯邦的統一，對俄羅斯聯邦制度的不穩定可以提供部分的解釋功能。最後，我們從策略運用的角度來分析俄羅斯聯邦與地區的關係，將俄羅斯由獨立初期至一九九○年代末期，聯邦政府與地區（特別是民族共和國）所運用的策略，由策略型式、時間演進與光譜分布，來研究一九九○年代俄羅斯聯邦政府與地區的關係發展梗概。從一九九○年代初期的「主權的遊行」到一九九四年以後的「雙邊條約的遊行」的現象發展中，可以發現從時間演進與光譜分布來看，俄羅斯聯邦政府是節節敗退，先懷柔與施惠，最後才祭出武力作為施壓。而自一九九四年的第一次車臣戰爭以後，地區分離力量已有所收斂，地區轉而爭取經濟與自治權益居多，直至普丁總統上任以後，才著手積極整頓聯邦政府與地區的幾項爭議問題。 本文使用新制度主義研究途徑探討俄羅斯聯邦與民族自治，以一九九○年代為分析中心，並以喀爾瑪克、布里亞特與圖瓦三個共和國作為個案探討對象。文中以俄羅斯獨立至葉爾辛下台作為主要的研究分析期，詳實分析俄羅斯聯邦發展過程中如何處理民族問題，以期對多民族國家處理民族問題的做法有更深一層的瞭解。全文分為六章。第一章緒論。敘述研究動機、所使用的研究途徑、研究架構與章節分配。第二章探討民族主義與俄羅斯，敘述俄羅斯與民族主義的關係，對俄羅斯民族主義的特徵、蘇聯的民族理論與政策與蘇聯解體的民族因素，先作背景因素的探討。第三章分析俄羅斯的民主化與聯邦制。對俄羅斯獨立初期的民主轉型，特別是以協議轉型作為分析重心。分析俄羅斯獨立以後的多項協議的內涵與重要性，再從聯邦制的理論來分析俄羅斯所採取的聯邦制內涵與特徵。第四章分析俄羅斯聯邦中央與地區的關係。以俄羅斯的民族政策、俄羅斯聯邦中央與地區的關係，以及地區精英作為觀察中心。第五章選擇喀爾瑪克、布里亞特與圖瓦三個民族共和國作為研究個案，這三個共和國是蒙古族後裔或與蒙古族族源接近的民族所聚居的共和國，文中比較分析三個共和國在俄羅斯獨立以後的策略以及與中央的互動。第六章結論。先評估俄羅斯的民主化與聯邦制度的優缺點，再從普丁總統上任以後對俄羅斯聯邦制度的改革、俄羅斯作為多民族聯邦國家與民主鞏固的關係作前景的探討。 本文認為俄羅斯聯邦制度承繼了前蘇聯的制度遺緒，再披上現代民主的形式，使得俄羅斯的聯邦制難以調適民主化以後的變革。一九九○年代聯邦政府處理地區－特別是民族共和國－的分離勢力捉襟見肘。聯邦政府對分離力量收斂以後所代之而起的地區爭權趨勢，也始終未能理順，導致普丁總統上任以後對地區勢力不斷採取抑制方式。本文認為俄羅斯聯邦制度需作結構性的調整，以適應未來的改革，否則地區力量會隨著中央的衰頹東山再起，對俄羅斯長遠的發展並不利。 / As a multi-ethnic federation nation, Russia, since its independence in 1991, initiated market reform and embarked on establishing a democratic system. In the process of this transformation, it had to confront many challenges related to ethnicity and democratization. Democratization is a long and complex process and, more than often, not an easy road. Russia too, hence, was not exempted from facing such challenges. The federalism of Russia has inherited some remnants of its legacy from former Soviet Union. Former Soviet Union’s policy of regional autonomy based on ethnicity has had substantial degree of influence on Russia’s federalism. The federalism is regarded by many people as a systematic mechanism which is able to accommodate a multi-ethnic culture. However, Russia, at the very onset of adopting this system, had to confront many forces which supported ethnic separation. Unification became a mere agenda not mutual consensus. The relationship between federalism and ethnic autonomy and development became an important issue for the future of Russia. This paper hereby chooses the federalism of Russia and ethnic autonomy as the topic of the thesis, and selects the 1990s as the focal point of this analytical study. The analytical framework of this paper exploits the approach of new-institutionalism to examine a post-Communist Russia. Our paper comprises of three key frameworks for analysis. First, we will pick one of the relatively distinct concepts of democratic transition-“Pacted Transitions” to analyze Russia’s democratization process. Let’s take the reference of political expert Terry Lynn Karl’s study on compromise. His analysis on pacts includes both basics and managerial, thus offering a much better understanding on pacts. At the same time, he employs strategy and leadership as variables to create modes of transition to democracy. The writer of this paper amends this chart to include two additional variables. From the aspect of strategy and leadership, we can analyze some of the compromises undertaken by the federalism and regional autonomies including the “Union Treaty,” the Federation Treaty, the Constitution of Russian Federation, “On Delimitation of Jurisdictional Subjects and Mutual Delegation of Authority between the State Bodies of the Russian Federation and the Russian Federation and the State Bodies of the Republic of Tatarstan,” the Civic Accord, the power-sharing agreements between Russian federal government and its subjects, etc, which Russia encountered during its transition process. In addition to these, this paper will also accommodate in its analysis chart the ethnic republics of Tatarstan and Chechnya - two most prominent regional forces during the initial period of Russia’s transition, plus three study cases on Kalmykiya, Buryat and Tuva. All the above mentioned treaties and agreements, with the exception of the Civic Accord, had significant influence on the development of Russia’s federalism and the interrelationship between the Federation and the territories. Here we’ll discover that, except for the “Constitution of Russian Federation” which can be classified as “Imposition” in the mode of ”Cooperation between the elite and the mass”, the rest belong to the mode of “Compromise” in “Elite Ascendant”. Even though most of the agreements were conceived by way of compromises, but since the national constitution was passed and approved in a coercive manner, this has remained as one of the predominant reason for the subsequent instability of the Russian Federation. Secondly, while referring to the theories proposed by various political experts on the federalism, including studies on asymmetrical federalism, we can examine the arrangement of the Russian Federalism and analyze its characteristics from its constitution’s perspective on division of powers and jurisdictions between the center and the territories. From the analyses of these experts, wherein they infer that this type of asymmetrical federalism holds potential for generating conflicts and does not have any positive influence towards the development of the federalism, even to the extent of possible undermining of the federation’s unification, we can provide some explanation for the instability of the Russian Federation. Finally, let us inspect the development of relationship between the Russian Federation and the regions from the perspective of utilization of strategies - the strategies which were employed by the Federal government and the territories (especially the ethnic republics) from the time of Russia’s initial phase of independence till the late nineteen nineties, and through the type of strategies, time progression and the distribution of spectrum, understand the synopsis of this relationship. From the development of events since the “Parade of Sovereignties” in the early nineties till the “Parade of Bilateral Treaties,” after 1994, by referring to time progression and the distribution of spectrum we can understand that the government of the Russian Federation has been deteriorating progressively –at first posing benign and offering incentives, and then eventually resorting to oppression by military might. Since it’s first conflict with Chechnya in 1994, the secessionist forces in the regions have relatively quailed, with the majority of the territories rather claiming for economic rights and autonomy. It was only after the appointment of President Vladimir Putin that these problems between the federal government and the territories were intensively looked into and dealt with. This paper utilizes the approach of new-institutionalism to analyze the Russian Federation and the ethnic autonomies. We choose the nineteen nineties period as the focus of this research and select Kalmykiya, Buryat and Tuva as the subjects for case studies. This paper allots the time beginning from the independence of Russia till the departure of President Boris Yeltsin as the primary time period for analysis, with in-depth look on ways to resolve ethnic conflicts while studying the process of development of the Russian Federation, with a hope to get a deeper understanding of how to resolve ethnic problems within a multi-ethnic nation. The whole paper is comprised of six chapters. The first chapter explains the motive of this study, the various approaches used for the study, the frameworks of this analysis and the distribution of the chapters. Taking the characteristics of nationalism in Russia, it’s ethnic groups and various related theories and policies instigating the disintegration of the former Soviet Union as the basis of study for its background aspects, the second chapter deals with nationalism and Russia, the interrelationship between the two. The third chapter probes into Russia’s democratization and its federalism. It analyzes Russia’s early stages of transition to democracy with special reference to “Pacted Transition” as the focal point. Here we study the contents and significance of the various treaties and agreements of Russia and thereafter from the theories of the federalism, we analyze the essence and features of the federalism adopted by Russia. The fourth chapter focuses on the relationship between the Russian federal government and the territories. Here we take Russia’s policies on ethnicity, the relationship between the federal government and the regions and the regional elites as the focus of our observation. The fifth chapter partakes the republics of Kalmykia, Buryat and Tuva as case studies for this research. These three republics are either descendants of the Mongol or have close association with Mongoloid ancestry. In this chapter we take a look at the policies adopted after Russia’s independence and their interaction with the center. The sixth chapter evaluates the pros and cons of Russia’s democratization and federalism. Thereafter, as the foreground of this paper, we study all the reforms in Russia, which are undertaken by the Russian Federation following the election of President Vladimir Putin, and the relationship between Russia, a multi-ethnic nation and its democratic consolidation. This paper assumes that Russia has inherited the vestiges of former Soviet Union and at the same time adorning itself with a style of a modern democracy, making it very difficult to adapt to changes following its democratization. In the nineteen nineties, the Russian federal government was quite unsuccessful in handling the secessionist forces in the regions, especially the ethnic republics. The federal government was unable to restrain the trend in regional power struggles, which became fervent after the secessionist forces tempered down. This eventually led to the use of prolonged methods of suppression by President Vladimir Putin. This paper assumes that the Russian Federation needs to make major structural changes in its system in order to adapt itself to future reforms, failing which, the regional forces will once again rise up as the center weakens, thus proving unfavorable for the development of Russia in the long-run.