Le publicisme comme une expression de sens politiques en compétition pour la définition légitime de l'État, a été présent dans le discours journalistique, des dépliants et parlementaire mobilisés par l'élite brésilienne engagée dans les luttes d'émancipation, dans l’action constitutive de 1823 et à l'octroi de la Charte de1824.Après l'indépendance et avec le processus de construction institutionnel de l'État, le publicisme acquiert aussi le visage de connaissance juridique : il est inventé l'interprétation constitutionnelle. Par des manuels, le discours politique a pu être formaté en doctrine juridique, pratique qui s’intensifie à partir de 1850. Dans cette thèse, on situe ce phénomène dans la problématique de la consolidation de l'État et du Régime Monarchique au Brésil. L’investissement de fractions de l'élite à l’interprétation constitutionnelle est analysé comme stratégie de soutenance à des conceptions du modèle politique par la voie «scientifique», étant le but central de la recherche de saisir les contours de l'espace qui a façonné cette pratique sous le régime impérial. Les contours socio-historiques du publicisme à la crise du système colonial sont traités au premier chapitre. De sa part, le deuxième aborde l’intensification des usages politiques du discours publiciste dans le scénario de l’Indépendance. Le troisième chapitre est dédié à l’analyse de l’invention de « l’interprétation constitutionnelle » à partir de la fondations de l’État National. Et, pour finir, au quatrième chapitre on problématise la stratégie d’investissement des manuels juridiques comme forme d’intervention politique au Second Règne. / O publicismo como expressão de sentidos políticos em concorrência pela definição legítima do Estado, esteve presente no discurso jornalístico, panfletário e parlamentar mobilizado pela elite brasileira engajada nas lutas emancipacionistas, na atuação constituinte de 1823 e na outorga da Carta de 1824. Após a Independência e com o processo de construção institucional do Estado, o publicismo adquire também a feição de conhecimento jurídico: é inventada a interpretação constitucional. Através de manuais, o discurso político pôde ser formatado como doutrina jurídica, prática que se intensifica a partir de 1850. Na presente tese, tal fenômeno se situa na problemática da consolidação do Estado e do Regime Monárquico no Brasil. O investimento de frações da elite em interpretação constitucional é analisado como estratégia de sustentação de concepções do modelo político pela via “científica”, sendo o objetivo central da pesquisa apreender os contornos do espaço que moldou essa prática durante o regime imperial. O Primeiro Capítulo trata dos contornos sócio-históricos do publicismo na crise do sistema colonial. No Segundo Capítulo, se aborda a intensificação dos usos políticos do discurso publicista no cenário da Independência. Na sequência, o Terceiro Capítulo analisa a invenção da “interpretação constitucional” a partir da fundação do Estado Nacional e no Quarto Capítulo, por fim, se problematiza a estratégia de investimento dos manuais jurídicos como forma de intervenção política no Segundo Reinado. / The publicism as an expression of political senses in competition for the legitim definition of State has been present on journalistic, pamphleteer and parliamentary discourse held by the Brazilian elite, which was engaged in fights for emancipation, in the constituent acting of 1823 and in the grant of the Letter of 1824. After Independence and having the process of institutional construction of State going through, the publicism aquires features of juridical knowledge: the constitutional interpretation is created. Through handbooks, the political discourse could be formatted as juridical doctrine, a practice deepened from 1850 on. On this dissertation, this phenomenon lies on the issue of consolidation of State and Monarchical Regime in Brazil. The investment by some fractions of elite in constitutional interpretation is analysed as a strategy to support conceptions of the political model through the scientific via. The main goal of this research is to understand the outlines of the space which molded this practice during the imperial regime. The first chapter approaches the socio-historical outlines of publicism during the colonial period crisis. The second chapter focus on the intensification of the political uses of publicist discourse on the set of the Independence. Next, the third chapter analyzes the invention fo the “constitutional interpretation” from the establishment of the National State. Finally, the fourth chapter reflects upon the strategy of investment of juridical handbooks as a manner of political intervention on the Second Reign.

Focalizada nas políticas públicas ambientais em Cabo Verde, sobretudo na delimitação das áreas de conservação, esta tese busca discutir as agendas institucionais dos Estados pós-coloniais na África. Ao traçar este como seu objetivo, questiona também o papel das elites políticas na busca de referências para o desenvolvimento nacional de seus países. Assim, partindo de uma abordagem institucionalista, referenciada em M. Douglas e E. Ostrom, com um enfoque na análise dos discursos, das práticas e dos atores, foi privilegiada uma abordagem qualitativa com recurso a entrevistas estruturadas e focused interview. Delinearamse, nesses termos, as seguintes hipóteses: que os Estados pós-coloniais do Sul situam-se em matéria de políticas públicas ambientais como nos demais campos de desenvolvimento nacional – mimetizando os modelos institucionais dos países do Norte e/ou das suas ex-metrópoles; em consequência, ao assimilarem tais modelos, as entidades políticas nascentes e suas elites vêm provocando a extroversão; e a problemática de importação de modelos institucionais não é um fenômeno ex-nihilo: há sempre, por um lado, “conjunturas críticas” produtoras de “orfandades” que estimulam as referidas elites a se empenharem na procura de modelos exógenos e, por outro lado, existe também uma forte pressão por parte das agências internacionais financiadoras no sentido de as elites se situarem em relação aos modelos exógenos. Conclui-se que, não obstante a “compra” de modelos institucionais para o desenvolvimento, os efeitos decorrentes demonstraram ser problemáticos quando a importação é estabelecida como hegemônica – a única estratégia possível. No domínio do ambiente, os parques de Serra Malagueta e Fogo testemunham o caráter extrovertido da instituição. / Focused on environmental public policies in Cape Verde, especially in the delineation of conservation areas, this thesis discusses the institutional agendas of post-colonial states in Africa. In tracing this as its objective questions, too, the role of political elites in search of references to national development of their countries. Thus, starting from an institutional approach, referred in M. Douglas and E. Ostrom, with a focus on the analysis of discourses, practices and actors was privileged qualitative approach using structured interviews and focused interview. Was outlined in these terms, the following hypotheses: that the post-colonial states of the South are located in the field of environmental public policies as in other fields of national development - mimicking the institutional models of the North countries and / or its former metropolises, as a result, such models to assimilate the new entities and their nascent political elites have led extraversion, and that the issue of import of institutional models, is not a phenomenon ex-nihilo, there is always one hand "critical junctures" producing "orphaned" that stimulate these elites to engage in the search for exogenous models and, on the other hand, there is also strong pressure from international funding agencies towards elites are situated in relation to exogenous models. We conclude that although the "purchase" of institutional models for development, the effects of it proved to be problematic when the import is established as hegemonic - the only one possible. In the field of the environment, Serra Malagueta and Fogo parks testify the outgoing character of the institution.

Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento CientÃfico e TecnolÃgico / O objetivo central desse trabalho à reconstruir a trajetÃria polÃtica de quatro deputados estaduais que possuem a regiÃo dos Inhamuns como principal circunscriÃÃo eleitoral informal e o municÃpio de Tauà como principal colÃgio eleitoral. Foi analisada a trajetÃria polÃtica de JÃlio GonÃalves RÃgo e Antonio Gomes da Silva CÃmara no perÃodo em que eles foram hegemÃnicos, de 1975 a 1994, e de Domingos Gomes de Aguiar Filho e Idemar Loiola Cità no perÃodo de 1995 a 2010. A pesquisa teve por finalidade compreender como esses deputados sÃo recrutados, como conquistam e mantÃm o poder local em TauÃ, como se relacionam com sua base eleitoral, como estabelecem relaÃÃes com deputados federais, governadores, prefeitos e vereadores, quais suas estratÃgias de conquista de votos e quem sÃo seus cabos eleitorais nos municÃpios. O recorte temporal da pesquisa à de quatro dÃcadas. Para a realizaÃÃo desse estudo foram realizadas entrevistas formais e informais com atores polÃticos qualificados, pesquisas em jornais locais e em ÃrgÃos como IBGE, TRE-CE e IPECE, alÃm de pesquisas bibliogrÃficas. / The main goal of this paper is to reconstruct the political trajectory of four state representatives who have the region of the Inhamuns as main informal electoral circumscription and the city of Tauà as main electoral college. We analyzed the political career of Julio RÃgo GonÃalves and Antonio Gomes da Silva CÃmara in the period in which they were hegemonic, from 1975 to 1994, and Domingos Gomes de Aguiar Filho and Idemar Loyola CitÃ, from 1995 to 2010. The research was aimed at understanding how these members are recruited, how they win and keep local power in TauÃ, how they relate to their electoral base and establish relations with congressmen, governors, mayors and councilors, what are their strategies for winning votes and who are their canvassers in the cities. The time frame of this research is four decades. To achieve this study, formal and informal interviews were conducted with qualified political actors as well as researches in local newspapers, institutions such as IBGE, TRE-CE and IPECE, and also literature searches.

A pesquisa aqui realizada trata da questão social e da legislação trabalhista e previdenciária na Primeira República brasileira, do período que vai da Constituição de 1891, até sua revisão em 1926. O argumento que se busca demonstrar a partir das fontes primárias dos Anais da Câmara dos Deputados, e Diários do Congresso Nacional, bem como os jornais da grande imprensa, e da imprensa operária, é que o federalismo e as disputas entre as elites regionais teve maior relevância para o atraso da elite parlamentar em aprovar legislação social a nível federal, do que propriamente um caráter defensivo dos legisladores, ou um comportamento dócil e inerte do poder legislativo, em plena subserviência e obediência ao poder executivo. / This dissertation deals with the social question and labor and pension legislation in the Brazilian First Republic and it comprehends the period of the 1891 Constitution until its review in 1926. Taking as a starting point primary sources such as the Anais da Câmara dos Deputados and the Diários do Congresso Nacional, as well as mainstream and working class contemporary newspapers, we seek to demonstrate what Federalism is. We also aim to determine how the disputes between the regional elites are more relevant to the late approval of social legislation at federal level by the parliamentary elite than a defensive character of legislators or a docile and inert behavior concerning the legislative power, subservient to the executive power.

Orientador: Sebastião Carlos Velasco e Cruz / Tese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-19T18:02:43Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Silva_AnaPaulaMaielo_D.pdf: 2020007 bytes, checksum: e2102d13ef9c61cf2fd82fa2ab69b774 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2012 / Resumo: Esta tese analisa a construção da política palestina à luz da articulação entre dois eixos de análise, quais sejam, a natureza e a evolução das dinâmicas na matriz de poder da política palestina e as dinâmicas produzidas pelo conflito com Israel. Argumentou-se que a fragmentação e a disputa por poder entre as elites palestinas constituem fatores fundamentais para explicar a evolução e as dinâmicas do campo político palestino. As diferentes configurações de forças entre as elites políticas palestinas dificultam a formulação de estratégias comuns de ação e, por extensão, possuem um impacto direto sobre o progresso em direção à independência palestina. Ao mesmo tempo, verificou-se que o conflito palestino-israelense, sendo a ocupação dos territórios palestinos o seu principal componente, provocou uma situação de progressiva deterioração sócio-econômica e política na comunidade palestina. O Processo de Oslo favoreceu a expansão da ocupação israelense dos territórios palestinos e trouxe uma série de impactos negativos para a comunidade palestina. Por fim, foi visto que todos esses desdobramentos oriundos do conflito exerceram forte influência nos padrões de mobilização das elites palestinas e, por conseguinte, esses desdobramentos sido outra variável central na construção do campo político palestino e no seu direcionamento / Abstract: This thesis examines the construction of Palestinian politics in the light of the relationship of two axis of analysis, namely, the nature and the evolution of the dynamics in the matrix of power of Palestinian politics and the dynamics produced by the Palestinian-Israeli conflict. It was contended that the fragmentation and the power struggle among Palestinian elites are important factors to explain the development and the dynamics in the Palestinian political field. The different configurations of forces among Palestinian political elites obstruct the formulation of common strategies of action and, as a result, they have a direct impact on the progress towards Palestinian independence. At the same time, it was argued that the Palestinian-Israeli conflict, being the occupation of the Palestinian territories its main component, caused a progressive socio-economic and political deterioration in Palestinian community. The Oslo Process fomented the expansion of Israel occupation of the Palestinian territories and brought up series of negative impacts to the Palestinian community. Lastly, it was seen that all of these developments stemming from the conflict placed strong influence on the mobilization patterns of Palestinian elites. Consequently, they have been another fundamental variable in the construction of the Palestinian political field and in its directions / Doutorado / Ciencia Politica / Doutor em Ciência Política

Electoral Rules and Leader Selection: Experimental Evidence from Ugandan Community Groups. Despite a large body of work documenting how electoral systems affect policy outcomes, less is known about their impact on leader selection. We study this by comparing two types of participatory decision making in Ugandan community groups: (i) vote by secret ballot and (ii) open discussion with consensus. Random assignment allows us to estimate the causal impact of the rules on leader types and social service delivery. Vote groups are found to elect leaders more similar to the average member while discussion group leaders are positively selected on socio-economic characteristics. Further, dropout rates are significantly higher in discussion groups, particularly for poorer members. After 3.5 years, vote groups are larger in size and their members save less and get smaller loans. We conclude that the secret ballot vote creates more inclusive groups while open discussion groups favor the already economically successful. Preparing for Genocide: Community Meetings in Rwanda. How do political elites prepare the civilian population for participation in violent conflict? We empirically investigate this question using data from the Rwandan Genocide in 1994. Every Saturday before 1994, Rwandan villagers had to meet to work on community infrastructure. The practice was highly politicized and, according to anecdotal evidence, regularly used by the political elites for spreading propaganda in the years before the genocide. This paper presents the first quantitative evidence of this abuse of the community meetings. To establish causality, we exploit cross-sectional variation in meeting intensity induced by exogenous weather fluctuations. We find that an additional rainy Saturday resulted in a five percent lower civilian participation rate in genocide violence. Selection into Borrowing: Survey Evidence from Uganda. In this paper, I study how changes to the standard credit contract affect loan demand and selection into borrowing, using a representative sample of urban micro enterprises, most with no borrowing experience. Hypothetical loan demand questions are used to test whether firm owners respond to changes in loans' contractual terms and whether take-up varies by firms' risk type and other firm owner characteristics. The results indicate that contracts with lower interest rates and less stringent collateral requirements attract less risky borrowers, suggesting that there is scope for improvement of standard financial contract terms. Credit Contract Structure and Firm Growth: Evidence from a Randomized Control Trial. We study the effects of credit contract structure on firm outcomes among small and medium sized firms. A randomized control trial was carried out to distinguish between some of the key constraints to efficient credit use connected to the firms' business environment and production function, namely (i) backloaded returns (ii) uncertain returns and (iii) indivisible fixed costs. Each firm was followed for the 1-year loan cycle. We describe the experiment and present preliminary results from the first 754 out of 2,340 firms to have completed the loan cycle. Firms offered a grace period have higher profits and higher household income than firms receiving a rebate later on as well as the control group. They also increased the number of paid employees  and reduced the number of unpaid employees, an effect also found among firms that received a cash subsidy at the beginning of the loan cycle. We discuss potential mechanisms behind these effects.

Après 1966, l’inefficacité du système économique, politique et idéologique de la Fédération yougoslave amène la population à vivre une profonde crise morale, visible dans l’effondrement des idéaux titistes et dans l’incapacité des élites politiques à reconnaître leur échec dans la gestion de la société. Les dirigeants du système autogestionnaire ont toujours cru que les différents peuples qui composaient le pays pouvaient vivre en harmonie grâce à l’unité idéologique et au Parti. Pourtant, ces deux éléments sont plongés dans une crise profonde après la mort de Tito. À partir de 1980, les élites politiques et l’intelligentsia yougoslave jouent un rôle fondamental dans le processus de décomposition du pays, qui s’accélère avec l’explosion des conflits nationalistes, la disparition de la guerre froide et l’instauration de la nouvelle ère globale. / After 1966, the inefficiency of the economic, political and ideological system of the Yugoslav Federation brought the population to a deep moral crisis. This is visible in the collapse of the Tito’s ideals and in the inability of the political elites to recognize their failure in the management of the society. The leaders of the self-management system had always believed that the various people who made up the country could live in harmony thanks to ideological unity and Communist Party. However, these two elements were plunged into a deep crisis after the death of Tito. Beginning in 1980, the political elites and the Yugoslav intelligentsia played a fundamental role in the country’s decomposition process, which accelerated with the explosion of nationalist conflicts, the disappearance of the Cold War and the establishment of the new global era.

The relationship between politicians and civil servants is ambiguous and potentially problematic in democratic terms. The aim of the thesis is to examine this relationship in the Swedish core executive, Regeringskansliet. More specifically, the analysis emphasises the respective role expectations of the two groups when interacting with each other. The thesis is based on two extensive qualitative interview studies with politicians and senior civil servants, one carried out in the early 1980’s and one undertaken more recently. Hence it also offers an opportunity to analyse whether these expectations have changed or remained stable during the last decades. The findings reveal that the role expectations of politicians and civil servants to a high extent correspond, and have remained relatively stable over time. The relationship between politicians and civil servants is based on norms such as (conditional) trust, delegation and yet relatively close interaction. If so, politicians are unloaded by the civil service in order to handle their external responsibilities. Although relatively informal, a passive hierarchy of roles ensures the superiority of politicians and more specifically of the minister. Civil servants adapt to roles taken by politicians, although providing guidance to the politicians on how to behave in office. The division of labour is not based on the different tasks performed in the policy-making process. Instead, politicians assume responsibility for all actions and decisions – also those undertaken by the civil servants – within the ministries, while civil servants offer politicians protection and security. Taken together these results indicate that the institutionalised norms that surround the relationship between politicians and civil servants are highly powerful. Nevertheless, the thesis also reveals tendencies towards a departure from these norms, suggesting that this relationship is to some extent fragile and exposed to various attempts at reform.

This study seeks to analyze the process of transition and democratization in Kyrgyzstan from 1990 to 2000. The collapse of the Soviet Union opened new political perspectives for Kyrgyzstan and a chance to develop sovereign state based on democratic principles and values. Initially Kyrgyzstan attained some progress in building up a democratic state. However, in the second half of 1990s Kyrgyzstan shifted toward authoritarianism. Therefore, the full-scale transition to democracy has not been realized, and a well-functioning democracy has not been established. This study aims to focus on the impediments that led to the failure of establishing democracy in Kyrgyzstan. It analyzes the role of economy, political elites and political culture in the form of tribalism in Kyrgyzstan within the framework of the economic and political changes that have been undergoing since independence. The political and economic developments in Kyrgyzstan are discussed with specific reference to the hardships in economic transition, elite continuity and role of tribal and clan structures in present politics.

L’étude est dédié à l’examen des relations entre les bases sociales et recrutement des élites dans um contexte de transition des régimes politiques, plus précisement, au Brésil à la fin du XIXe siècle. En ce sens, l’analyse focalise la comparaison entre différents fractions d’élite, ce qui remet au problème général des relations entre bases sociales, investissements, strategies de carrière et conditions de différentiation entre champs. Intéressent, en particulier, les conditions sociales et institutionnelles d’autonomisation du champ culturel et de structuration de ces différents pôles, tant que les modalités de différentiation entre les carrières intellectuelles (professeurs d’enseigment supérieur et hommes de lettres) et les carrières politiques (président, vice-président, ministres, senateurs, députés). Premièrement, on analyse les déterminantes sociales des carrières, ainsi que ces relations avec les possibilités et les significations de la diversification des bases sociales. Ensuite, on focalisé la reconstitution des différents domaines d’activité dans lesquelles se déplacent les agentes en analyse, mettant l’accent sur les critères de hiérarchisation et les déterminantes sociales et institucionnelles. Enfin, l’analyse reside sur les modalités et stratégies de carrières menés pour les différentes fractions d’élite, avec le but d’aprehender les conditions d’éloignement et similarité entre les ressources mobilisées et les investissements qui composent les divers formes de réussit sociale et professionnelle. Ainsi, les indications générales indiquent une relative similarité des profils de carrière et ressources valorisées. Ce qui relie les déterminantes sociales qui sont la base des conditions de possibilité aux modèles socialement objectivés de réussit sociale et « professionnelle » / O presente trabalho dedica-se ao exame das relações entre bases sociais e recrutamento de elites em um contexto de transição de regimes políticos, mais especificamente, no Brasil de fins do XIX. Nesse sentido, o foco central de análise assenta-se na comparação entre distintas frações de elite, o que remete ao problema geral das relações entre bases sociais, modalidades de investimentos, estratégias de carreira e condições de diferenciação entre campos. Interessa, em particular, as condições sociais e institucionais de autonomização do campo cultural e de estruturação de seus diferentes polos, assim como as modalidades de diferenciação entre as carreiras intelectuais (professores universitários e “homens de letras”) e as carreiras políticas (presidente e vice-presidente, ministros, governadores e vice-governadores senadores e deputados federais). Em primeiro lugar, são analisados determinantes sociais das carreiras, assim como suas relações com as possibilidades e significados da diversificação bases sociais do recrutamento. Em seguida, o foco direciona-se à reconstituição dos diferentes espaços de atuação nos quais se movem os agentes em pauta, atentando para os critérios de hierarquização e os determinantes sociais e institucionais das carreiras. Por fim, a análise recai sobre as modalidades e estratégias de carreira acionadas pelas diferentes frações de elites em pauta, cujo objetivo é apreender as condições de afastamento e similitude entre os recursos mobilizados e os investimentos que compõe as diversas formas de realização social e “profissional”. Com base nisso, as indicações gerais apontam para uma relativa similitude em termos de padrões de carreira e recursos valorizados, o que se conecta tanto aos determinantes sociais que estão na base das condições de possibilidade, quanto a objetivação social de determinado modelo de excelência social e “profissional”. / This work is dedicated to the examination of the relationship between social bases and elites’ recruitment in a context of political regimes transition, more specifically, in Brazil at the end of the XIX century. As such, the analysis’ central focus rests on the comparison betwen different elite’s fractions which refers to the relations’ general problem between social bases, types of investment, career strategies and conditions of differentiation between fields. It concerns, in particular, the social and institutional conditions and the autonomisation of the cultural field and structuring of its different poles, as the modalities of differenciation between the intelectual careers (university professors and “writers”) and the political careers (president and vice-president, ministers, governor and vice-governor, senators and federal deputies). First, the careers’ social determinants are analyzed, as well as its relations with the possibilities and meanings of the recruitment`s social bases. Next, the focus is on the reconstitution of the different performance spaces in which the agents move, paying attention to the hierarchization’s criterias and the social and institutional career determinants. Lastly, the analysis rests on the career’s strategies and modalities actuated by the different elites’ fraction whose goal is to aprehend the conditions of departure and similitude between the mobilized resources and the investments that compose the different means of social and “professional” achievement. As such, the general indications point to a relative similitude in terms of career patterns and resources valued, which connects itself to the social determinants that rests on the base of the conditions of possibility, as well as the social objectivation of a certain type of social a “professional” excellence.