This thesis explores the relationship between literature and politics through a study of novels published by Diamela Eltit (1949-) and Alberto Fuguet (1964-) in the Chilean post-transition to democracy period (i.e.: after the year 2000). It attempts to demonstrate that Chilean post-transition to democracy literature foregrounds the socio-cultural legacies inherited from the dictatorship (1973-1990), which have been to a great extent endorsed by the Chilean neoliberal transition to democracy. This thesis considers the more recent narrative fiction published by these authors as representative of Chilean post-transition to democracy literature, that is, a literature that shares a politico-historical legacy inherited from the Chilean dictatorship, and highlights a social imaginary permeated by the contemporary neoliberal politico-cultural project imposed by the military and to a great extent endorsed by the transition to democracy. In doing so, this work focuses on questions related to the portrayal of contemporary Chilean society and the political status of women. Commitment in literature does not necessarily come from the author's subjectivity or intention, but from his or her study of society and the way in which s/he presents it. Literary commitment, whether overt or not, remains fundamental in the case of contemporary Chilean writers, who have inherited a neoliberal socio-cultural context imposed by a dictatorship, and who may deploy strategies to either disseminate, perpetuate or resist such a cultural model, creating new ones. Therefore, the values to which literature commits can be traced in the case of both the overtly politically committed author and the apparently apolitical one. This methodology allows us to reveal the way in which Eltit and FuguetÊ1⁄4s writing projects represent different but implicitly related views of Chilean society as well as two semi-canonical standpoints which are prominently representative of the twenty-first century Chilean literary sphere.

The aim of this investigation is to study the various cinematic and rhetorical strategies that Chilean filmmaker Patricio Guzmán uses to construct a complex image of the postdictatorial Chilean society. By analyzing three of his documentaries from the late 1990s and early 2000s (Chile, Obstinate Memory; The Pinochet Case and Island of Robinson Crusoe), I argue that Guzmán's cinematic images expose the challenges of constructing a collective memory of the 1973 coup in Chile and its aftermath. In an attempt to interrogate the social, political and economic dynamics of the Chilean transition to democracy that began in the year 1990, Guzmán's documentaries also explore the consequences of the Pinochet dictatorship (1973-1989) in the present. The historical conjuncture of postdictatorial Chile is connected to at least three geopolitical phenomenons: the Post-Cold War international arena formed after the dissolution of existent socialist regimes, the advent of neoliberalism as a transnational economic paradigm, and the struggle for global human rights. The documentaries of Patricio Guzmán are poetic responses to each of these geopolitical phenomenons that affect the constitution of the Chilean present. / Dissertation

This dissertation analyzes the presidencies of Askar Akaev (1991-2005) and Kurmanbek Bakiev (2005-2010) in Kyrgyzstan by looking at the referendums as well as the parliamentary and presidential elections held in this country in the post-Soviet era, with specific emphasis on the legitimacy of these two leaders as perceived by the Kyrgyz people. Based on the field research conducted in Kyrgyzstan, the study aims to shed some light on how the Kyrgyz people perceive issues of democracy, democratic transition, political leadership and political legitimacy in the post-Soviet era. The dissertation further focuses on how and why even the minimal requirements of democracy such as elections and referendums have been used in this country in order to increase executive power, despite the rhetoric of democratization promoted by the political leaders.

Transition to democracy have been a complex and difficult process for many thirdwave democratic countries across the globe. In Ghana, past military governments, role of political parties, rule of law, ethnocentrism and human rights abuses and have played a key role in Ghana’s 1992 Constitution and fourth attempt to democratic governance. In addition, eight successful national elections and five change of governments from 1992-2020 have made Ghana one of the shining examples of democracy in West Africa. The aim of this study has been tounderstand and assess the impact of national elections and change of government in Ghana’s transition to democracy from 1992-2020. To achieve this, I have selected secondary sources from academic books, journals, reports, and have implemented Samuel Huntington’s “Two-turnover test” theoretical concept to examine how national elections and change of governments have contributed to Ghana’s transition to democracy from 1992 -2020. My key finding is that national elections and change of governments have not completely contributed positively to the transition to democracy in Ghana.

台灣地區自從一九八○年代以來，產生了一連串的社會運動與自力救濟事件，而其中有甚多是與公共政策的運作有關，這些頻繁發生的運動和事件，常使得民眾感覺似乎社會變得無秩序，亂象叢生。進而對國民黨政府的施政能力產生了質疑，也引發了「信心危機」。因此，為求瞭解其發生原因、影響以及思考如何減少類似事件發生，故從威權政體民主轉型過程中參與者互動情形來探討。並進而透過歷史性觀察，找出國民黨維繫政權的基本理念，以及運作的方法。在本論文亦經由反核四環保自力救濟事件個案分析，以明瞭在國內外政治、經濟、社會環境的影響下，政策參與者呈現出何種的互動情形和結果，和引用的理論與分析，作一對照。從論文分析中，吾人看到了一種內戰態勢下的互動。在中共軍事上、外交上、政治上及近年年來經濟上的威脅，使得國民黨政府為維繫其政權，戮力追求國家安全與生存，如加強國防戰備、維持外交關係、採行威權統治以及促進經濟發展等方面。而其中，經濟發展隨著國內外環境的變遷，更成為國民黨政權生存維繫的核心政策。在研究發現中，吾人看到了政策參與者互動關係的轉變，如：(1)失去絕對權威的總統。(2)感受立委壓力的行政院。(3)泛政治化的政黨競爭。(4)突破言論管制的大眾傳播媒介。(5)遊說活躍的利益團體。(6)權力意識高漲的民眾。而對於政策建議方面，由於經濟發展是國民黨決策階層的核心施政理念，但此種理念容易導致泛經濟化的決策模式，呈現出由上而下的菁英取向的政策制訂模式。為彌補其不足，有必要採取以由下而上的諮商系統，贏得多數民眾的政治支持。另外，從核四個案分析中，得知反核乃是由於不信任國民黨政府的行政決策。因此，國營事業單位在推動重大早邀集社區居民參與議題的決策過程，以減低民眾的疑慮慮、恐懼及被剝奪感。

This thesis examines the transition to democracy in South Africa through the use of case study methodology. The nature of political participation and the form of democracy to emerge at the end of the transition process are the central subjects of inquiry. They are examined through an in-depth study of the African community of Kwazakele, a township in the Nelson Mandela metropolitan area in the Eastern Cape province of South Africa. The study covers the period from 1993 to 2000, and uses as a primary data source five surveys conducted among residents of Kwazakele during that period. The emphasis of the study lies on the experience of political participation of ‘ordinary people’ – in particular, the African urban working-class in South Africa who make up the core support base for the governing African National Congress. The primary findings of the thesis are as follows: * Representative democracy has been successfully consolidated in the community under study. * Levels of political participation by urban Africans in the Eastern Cape are consistently high, both in formal political institutions (primarily elections) and in institutions of civil society. * As politics has normalised at the end of the transition period, forms of direct democratic participation have declined. * Despite the structural constraints on development, there is still potential for a high level of participation by citizens in effecting change at local level. * Drawing on the experience of ordinary people in structures of direct democracy, this level of participation can result in a deeper and stronger form of democracy than exists in many established representative democracies.

Après la Guerre civile espagnole et le franquisme, apparut une nouvelle génération d’intellectuels phalangistes. Dionisio Ridruejo était le modèle de l’intellectuel fasciste, qui avait accédé très jeune à un poste de pouvoir et qui croyait en un homme et en un État nouveaux. Mais ce dernier rompit bruyamment avec le régime franquiste et abandonna son poste de Chef de la Propagande. Il estima que le pouvoir personnel de Franco trahissait l’idéal phalangiste. Cette rupture fut le début d’une longue période d’assignation à résidence, qui le mena à réfléchir sur ses propres convictions. Cela ne signifiait pas que Ridruejo était devenu démocrate, contrairement à ce que prétendent rétrospectivement certains de ses amis, convaincus d’avoir été des libéraux depuis les années 40. Il importait de comprendre la cohérence de l’itinéraire de cet intellectuel, qui passa de l’idéal phalangiste aux normes démocratiques, au point d’inspirer le combat des artisans de la Transition vers la démocratie. / After Spanish Civil War and Francoism, a new generation of Falangist intellectuals appeared. Dionisio Ridruejo was the example of a Fascist intellectual, who rose very young to the power and believed in a new Man and in a new State. But he loudly broke with the Francoist regime and deserted his head of Propaganda post. He thought that Franco’s personal power was betraying the Falangist ideal. This breaking off was the beginning of a long period of house arrest which led him to think about his own beliefs. It does not mean that Ridruejo was a democrat, contrary to what are claiming retrospectively his friends who are convinced that they were liberals since the 1940s. It is important to understand the coherence of this intellectual’s path who changed from Falangist ideal to democratic beliefs, inspiring the fight for transition to democracy.

Diploma thesis "Transition to Democracy in Czechoslovakia in 1989 from a Transition Theory Perspective" is an analysis of the Czechoslovak transition to democracy in the year 1989. The author analyses the character of the communist regime in Czechoslovakia and the further development of the country after the year 1989 dealing with some of the more general politological aspects such as the strategies of the participants, analyses of the most important agents and factors of the change, etc. Therefore, various politological theories are introduced in the theoretical part (theory of non-democratic regimes, theory of transition, used theories by Juan J. Linz, Carl J. Friedrich, Alfred Stepan, Samuel Huntington and of other relevant authors). The theories are later applied to the Czechoslovak communist regime and to its transition to democracy. The diploma thesis focuses on the application of the theories of transition on Czechoslovakia with regards to the number of transitions. The work aims at explaining that more transitions took place in Czechoslovakia - not only the political one, but also the economic and nationalist, the latter leading to the Czechoslovakian split. Therefore, the last part of the diploma thesis deals with the development of the Czech-Slovak relationship; the link between the...

Práce se zabývá vývojem ekologického hnutí v Československu. Svoji pozornost zaměřuje především k vývoji ekologických iniciativ a ekologického diskurzu v době komunistické nesvobody a v době celospolečenských změn v listopadu 1989 do období rozpadu Občanského fóra v roce 1991. Nedílnou součástí je rovněž analýza vzniku a vývoje Strany zelených, která se stala předmětem scénářů a pokusů o provedení politických reforem v rámci komunistického režimu. Cílem práce je zjistit, jak téma ochrany přírody rezonovalo především v oblasti opozičních a režimních struktur a jaký osud jej následoval v období porevolučního vývoje následovaný otázkou, proč došlo k postupnému úpadku ekologického povědomí ve společnosti. Ke splnění cíle práce byla využita metoda orální historie, jež zprostředkovává pohledy oslovených narátorů - pamětníků problematiky úlohy ekologické karty. Tímto přístupem se snaží nahradit především chybějící archivní materiály. Formou obsahové analýzy a komparace se práce pokouší srovnávat procesy probíhající v západní Evropě s ekologickou tématikou v Československu. Práce se oborově nachází na pomezí historie, politologie, ale také sociologie, přičemž zdůrazňuje akcent historicko-politologický. Ze závěru práce vyplývá, že ekologická karta v rámci československé společnosti získala silnou tradici,...

Approved for public release, distribution is unlimited / This thesis studies police reform in El Salvador and South Africa. While both countries differ considerably in geographic size, culture, location, population, and economic and military strength, they share common security concerns. Under authoritarian rule, their primary security concerns were not military threats from other states, but rather internal threats due to economic, political, and social weakness. Civilian police forces became highly politicized and militarized, incapable of controlling crime, lacking accountability and oversight, and exhibiting total disregard for human rights. This thesis compares El Salvador and South Africa, two cases of negotiated war transitions. Although both countries faced similar militarization of internal security forces, South Africa seemed in a much better position to face challenges of consolidation. First, South Africa's military did not pose any opposition to police reform because the military and police had a long history of being organizationally separated. In contrast, El Salvador's police had a history of being controlled and directed by the military and they fell organizationally under the Defense Ministry. Second, in South Africa, the opposition group (ANC) rather than the rightist government won the foundational elections. Increased domestic support for internal security reform is more likely as the previous rightist government is discredited. Conversely, in El Salvador, the rightist ARENA government won the foundational elections indicating that it would more likely lead to lack of domestic support. The continuance of power would likely mean that the government would prefer the continuance of status quo to far-reaching reform. Finally, the international community was available to aid in the implementation and consolidation of reform in both countries. However, because domestic support was likely to be greater in South Africa, the international community's ability to influence the implementation of reform would also be greater. Yet, the outcome of reform efforts in both countries was surprisingly similar. This can best be explained by the overwhelming obstacles to the consolidation of police reform posed by the conditions of post-conflict societies. / Major, New Hampshire Air National Guard