Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-29T14:27:28Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Felipe Cosme Damiao Sobrinho.pdf: 4521409 bytes, checksum: b6cb14824811415be44054c5711ab40e (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015-09-24 / The following text is a Theology master's degree about the relation between the Catholic Church and the Society in ABC Region from 1964 to 1985. The objetive of the research is to improve the church's action towards the social challenges in the region that precedes and comes upon the Second Vatican Council where the eclesiological conception approaches the catholicism in the contemporary world. The militar civil coup caused by unstable politics and the need of structural reform in the country during this period. The Catholic Church presence in Bishop Jorge Marcos de Oliveira and Bishop Cláudio Hummes's pastoral action, both of them were diocesan bishops of Santo André in the period and contributed to the reflection about the interpretation of the relations between temporal and spiritual power in an institucional transformation period. The conception of revolution developed by Hannah Arendt will help with the dissertation verification of main hypothesis, examining the conception of mission of the catholic religion in the ABC region in social transformation (working class moviment and dictatorial governement) and with their own identity formation / O presente texto, dissertação de mestrado acadêmico em Teologia, trata das relações entre Igreja Católica e Sociedade na região do ABC Paulista entre 1964 a 1985. O objetivo da pesquisa é salientar a ação da Igreja diante dos desafios sociais da região, nos períodos que antecede e sucede o Concílio Vaticano II, onde a concepção eclesiológica aproxima o catolicismo do mundo contemporâneo. Nesse mesmo período, ocorre no Brasil o golpe civil-militar, fruto do período de instabilidade política e a necessidade de reformas estruturais no país. A presença da Igreja Católica na ação pastoral de Dom Jorge Marcos de Oliveira e Dom Cláudio Hummes, bispos diocesanos de Santo André no referido período, contribui para a reflexão sobre a interpretação das relações entre poder temporal e espiritual num período de transformações institucionais. O conceito de revolução, desenvolvido por Hannah Arendt, ajudará na verificação da hipótese principal da dissertação, analisando a concepção de missão da religião católica no ABC na transformação social (movimento operário e governo ditatorial) e na formação de sua própria identidade

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This thesis tells the story of an historical tradition of radical literacy and literature that is defined as the British radical literary tradition. It takes the meaning of literature at its broadest understanding and identifies the literary and educational relations of what E.P. Thompson terms 'the making of the English working class' through its struggle for literacy and freedom. The study traces the developing dialectic of literary radicalism and the emergent hegemony of capitalism through the dissemination of radical ideas in literature and a groundswell of public literacy. The proposed radical tradition is defined by the oppositional stance of its participants, from the radical intellectual's critical texts to the striving for literacy and access to literature by working class people. This oppositional discourse emerged in the fourteenth century concomitant with nascent capitalism and has its literary origins in utopian vision. This nascent utopian imagination conceived a democratic socialism that underpinned the character of much of the following oppositional discourse. The thesis establishes the nexus of the oppositional discourse as a radical literary tradition and the earliest instances of adult education in autodidacticism and informal adult education. The ascent of middle class power through the industrial revolution is shadowed by the corresponding descent of the working class into poverty. Concomitant with this social polarisation is the phenomena of working class literary agency as the means to political and economic agency. While Protestant dissenting groups such as the Diggers and Levellers were revolutionary activists, it was Methodism that formed a bulwark against revolution. Yet it was their emphasis on self-improvement that contributed to an increasingly literate populace. Radical texts produced and disseminated by individuals and organisations and read by autodidactics and informal reading groups are seminal in the formation of a working class identity. Spearheaded by the Chartist movement, education became a central ethic of working class politics and the civil struggle for economic and political justice throughout the nineteenth and well into the twentieth centuries. The avant garde movements of the early twentieth century are analysed as a strand of this tradition. The narrative of the thesis then moves to the penal colony of Australia and explores the radical literary tradition's development there. Early colonial culture is seen as having a strong impetus towards a developing a native literary expression of the new land. Where conservative colonial literature struggled to differentiate itself from formal British literary models, the radical heritage and its utopian vision of a working man's paradise gave definitive expression to the Australian experience. This expression was strongly influenced by Chartist ideals. The British radical literary tradition is thus seen to have had a dominant influence in the development of a native radical literary tradition that strove to identify the national character. Socialist thought developed in Australia in concert with that in the parent culture, and anarchist and libertarian trends found a ready home amongst independent minded colonials. Yet, in preventing the formation of a native aristocracy the small radical population made a compromise with liberalism that saw a decidedly conservative streak develop in the early labour movement. There were little in the way of sophisticated radical literary offerings at first, but from the mid-nineteenth century a vanguard of radicals produced a thriving native press and other fugitive text forms. At the turn of the century the native radical literary tradition was vibrantly diverse, with a definitive style that claimed literary ownership of the Australian character. However, exhausted by the battles over WWI conscription and isolated by censorship, the Communist Party of the Soviet Union was able to subsume the vanguard position from the socialists. The Party laid claim to the Australian radical literary tradition, at once both strengthening it with the discipline of a Marxist ideology and diminishing its independence and diversity. Party literary theory centred upon the issue of class, developing a doctrine of socialist realism that communist writers were expected to practice. How well a writer adhered to socialist realist principles became a measure of their class position and loyalty. Drawing more from primary sources, the thesis develops an analysis of the intellectual development of the Australian post-WWII writer Eric Lambert through his experience of class instability during Depression and war. The study examines Lambert's decision to join the Party and his literary response to his experiences of war, the Party, the turmoil of 1956 and life after the Party. Lambert's body of work is then analysed as the unintentional memoir of a writer working as an adult educator in the radical literary tradition. Lambert's struggles, for artistic independence within the narrow precepts of Party dogma and with class tensions, were common amongst intellectuals committed to the communist cause. Like many of his peers, Lambert resigned from the Party at the end of 1956 and suffered a period of ideological vacuum. However, he continued to write as a Marxian educator, seeking to reveal that which makes us human in the humanity of ordinary people. It is concluded that, while the Party did much to foster disciplined cohesion, the mutual distrust it generated amongst its intellectuals suppressed the independent thought that had kept the radical literary tradition alive. Although the Party developed an ideological strength within the radical literary tradition, its dominance over thirty years and subsequent fall from grace acted to fragment and discredit that centuries-old tradition which it subsumed. An argument is made for a reinvestment of the centrality of the radical literary tradition in the education of adults for the maintenance of social justice and the democratic project.

<p>This is a dissertation about Swedish liberalism as a political rationality and, more specifically, the conditions that made the transition from an exclusionary society to an inclusive one possible at the beginning of the 20th century. I have made a case study of National Association of Social Work (Centralförbundet för Socialt Arbete, CSA), an association that played a significant role in the institutionalization of social politics in Sweden. The objectives are threefold. Firstly, to analyze CSA as a liberal political rationality. Secondly, to analyze its political ontology. Thirdly, to examine its motives for defending an including society.</p><p>One of the main arguments in this dissertation is that the political rationality of CSA is characterized by a form of government that works in and through society, as well as through freedom. By using the concept of ”the state of suspension” I try to capture and analyze the ontological ambiguity of the individual in liberal thought; an ambiguity expressed in biopolitical categorizations of the population according to perceived capacities for rational thought. The inclusion of the excluded part, which I describe through the notion of “the social”, was possible due to a new political ontology, which considered the individual as being a product of social circumstances, and as someone possible to shape and govern in and through society. </p><p>I argue that the political struggle of the excluded not only served to revise the political ontology of CSA, but also provided the rationale for the efforts to create an including society with universal suffrage. CSA did not regard citizenship as a right, but as a political technology and as a solution. Furthermore, I argue that citizenship shouldn’t be seen as a prerequisite for the politization of the excluded. On the contrary, this part of the population was already, at least partially, politicized and they became political subjects through their participation in the struggle for political rights.</p>

Notre thèse analyse le rapport entre pratiques sociales d’intégration d’immigrés, modèles d’installation et processus de transformation de la morphologie urbaine dans deux études de cas qui se prêtent à une comparaison stimulante. D’un côté, nous avons le cas de l’émigration italienne interne vers un pole industriel de la banlieue métropolitaine milanaise (Sesto San Giovanni); de l’autre côté, celui de l’émigration italienne internationale dans une agglomération des bassins miniers wallons (La Louvière). Il s’agit de deux contextes d’insertion fort différents du point de vue de la morphologie sociale et de l’organisation territoriale, qui profilent des espaces hybrides entre rural et urbain en profonde et rapide transformation, à cause des flux massifs de la main d’œuvre immigrée. Ces différences nous permettent de mettre à l’épreuve de l’analyse comparée les conceptions sociologiques et les parcours historiques de l’intégration, du tissu sociale qui en est à la base, de la citoyenneté, de la construction d’identités collectives, afin de dépasser les dichotomies stéréotypées entre rural/urbain, tradition/modernité, intégration/conflit, migration interne/internationale. La thèse développe une analyse parallèle des deux études de cas en suivant un fil argumentatif unitaire, qui s’ouvre avec une enquête sur les flux migratoires et les contextes d’accueil des migrations. Dans les deux premiers chapitres nous avons analysé le contexte économique, social et territorial dans lequel s’inscrivent les processus migratoires. Pour le cas belge, nous avons analysé le cycle de l’industrie charbonnière, le processus de dépopulation de la Wallonie et les mécanismes qui règlent les flux, c'est-à-dire une migration contractée par les deux gouvernements. En ce qui concerne le cas milanais, nous avons tracé les contours de la très rapide urbanisation, qui a conduit toute une série de communes limitrophes à Milan à entrer dans l’orbite métropolitaine et à se qualifier comme des pôles périphériques. Après avoir tracé les contours du cadre général, nous avons fait face, dans la deuxième partie, à la question plus spécifique du logement et des formes d’installations. Pour le cas louviérois, nous avons reconstruit les conditions de logement et la très difficile confrontation des premiers immigrés avec le monde du travail charbonnier, l’absence d’une initiative publique dans le secteur du logement jusqu’en 1954, faiblement compensé par l’initiative patronale, et la phase suivante des années 1950, qui a mené à la stabilisation des immigrés dans la région. De Sesto San Giovanni nous avons reconstruit la transition complexe vers la périphérie métropolitaine, à partir des installations rurales jusqu’aux politiques publiques locales et nationales de construction de grands ensembles, en soulignant comment cette intervention urbanistique était au centre d’un débat très vif sur l’aménagement du territoire, qui a débouché sur la création d’institutions administratives régionales. Dans la dernière partie de la recherche nous avons plutôt approfondi les aspects sociaux et culturels des parcours d’installation et d’intégration dans les deux tissus urbains. C’est en cette partie que nous avons utilisé davantage les sources orales, afin d’analyser les perceptions de soi, les mécanismes de construction de l’identité sociale et donc tous les changements que la migration, le rencontre avec la ville et l’industrie ont entraîné dans les organisations familiales, dans les perspectives de vie, les aspirations et les projets des migrants. À partir de l’analyse de ces parcours, dans le chapitre conclusif nous avons interrogé quelques catégories historiques et sociologiques classiques des études migratoires: d’abord le sens d’appartenance à la communauté d’origine et le développement d’un sens d’identité nationale, ensuite le processus de formation d’une solidarité de classe, qui dans les deux contextes a pris des formes sensiblement distinctes surtout par rapport aux différences dans la mémoire de l’expérience migratoire.

This is a dissertation about Swedish liberalism as a political rationality and, more specifically, the conditions that made the transition from an exclusionary society to an inclusive one possible at the beginning of the 20th century. I have made a case study of National Association of Social Work (Centralförbundet för Socialt Arbete, CSA), an association that played a significant role in the institutionalization of social politics in Sweden. The objectives are threefold. Firstly, to analyze CSA as a liberal political rationality. Secondly, to analyze its political ontology. Thirdly, to examine its motives for defending an including society. One of the main arguments in this dissertation is that the political rationality of CSA is characterized by a form of government that works in and through society, as well as through freedom. By using the concept of ”the state of suspension” I try to capture and analyze the ontological ambiguity of the individual in liberal thought; an ambiguity expressed in biopolitical categorizations of the population according to perceived capacities for rational thought. The inclusion of the excluded part, which I describe through the notion of “the social”, was possible due to a new political ontology, which considered the individual as being a product of social circumstances, and as someone possible to shape and govern in and through society. I argue that the political struggle of the excluded not only served to revise the political ontology of CSA, but also provided the rationale for the efforts to create an including society with universal suffrage. CSA did not regard citizenship as a right, but as a political technology and as a solution. Furthermore, I argue that citizenship shouldn’t be seen as a prerequisite for the politization of the excluded. On the contrary, this part of the population was already, at least partially, politicized and they became political subjects through their participation in the struggle for political rights.

The study examines how Aboriginal workers and workers of colour experience union solidarity and explores the necessary conditions for the remaking of solidarity and the renewal of the labour movement. Grounded in anti-colonial discursive framework, the study analyzes the cultures and practices of labour solidarity through the lived experiences of Aboriginal activist and activists of colour within the Canadian labour movement. Utilizing the research methodologies of participatory action research, arts-informed research and critical autobiography, the research draws on the richness of the participants’ collective experiences and visual images co-created during the inquiry. The study also relies on the researcher’s self-narrative as a long time labour activist as a key part of the embodied knowledge production and sense making of a movement that is under enormous challenges and internal competing tension exacerbated by the neoliberal agenda. The findings reveal sense of profound gap between what participants experience as daily practices of solidarity and what they envisioned. Through the research process, the study explores and demonstrates the importance and potential of a more holistic and integrative critical education approach on anti-racism and decolonization. The study proposes a pedagogical framework on solidarity building with four interlinking components – rediscovering, restoring, reimagining and reclaiming – as a way to make whole for many Aboriginal activists and activists of colour within the labour movement. The pedagogy of solidarity offers a transformative process for activists to build solidarity across constituencies in the pursuit of labour renewal and social justice movement building.

The study examines how Aboriginal workers and workers of colour experience union solidarity and explores the necessary conditions for the remaking of solidarity and the renewal of the labour movement. Grounded in anti-colonial discursive framework, the study analyzes the cultures and practices of labour solidarity through the lived experiences of Aboriginal activist and activists of colour within the Canadian labour movement. Utilizing the research methodologies of participatory action research, arts-informed research and critical autobiography, the research draws on the richness of the participants’ collective experiences and visual images co-created during the inquiry. The study also relies on the researcher’s self-narrative as a long time labour activist as a key part of the embodied knowledge production and sense making of a movement that is under enormous challenges and internal competing tension exacerbated by the neoliberal agenda. The findings reveal sense of profound gap between what participants experience as daily practices of solidarity and what they envisioned. Through the research process, the study explores and demonstrates the importance and potential of a more holistic and integrative critical education approach on anti-racism and decolonization. The study proposes a pedagogical framework on solidarity building with four interlinking components – rediscovering, restoring, reimagining and reclaiming – as a way to make whole for many Aboriginal activists and activists of colour within the labour movement. The pedagogy of solidarity offers a transformative process for activists to build solidarity across constituencies in the pursuit of labour renewal and social justice movement building.

Freie Univ., Diss.--Berlin, 2004. / Literaturverz. S. 300 - 317.

In this report I analyze both historical and contemporary urban planning policies enacted by the City of Austin, TX, through which I establish patterns of structural inequality affecting working class communities of color residing in East Austin. I examine early 20th-century urban beautification initiatives, along with the Progressive era segregationist project of the modern city. Austin city planners solidified segregation along racial lines with the 1928 Master Plan, which mandated the systematic displacement and relocation of African American and Mexican American communities to Austin’s Eastside, along with all “objectionable industries.” Today, East Austin working class communities of color continue to experience unequal burdens of environmentally hazardous industry in their neighborhoods. I examine initiatives implemented by the local grassroots environmental justice organization PODER and their fight for the health and safety of East Austin residents of color in combination with their protest against gentrifying urban planning policies and practices. Through an analysis of the PODER Young Scholars for Justice documentary, Gentrification: An Eastside Story, I look at the ways in which gentrification has changed the East Austin urban cultural landscape. This report aims to shed light upon spatial and racial social geographies that have contributed to the nearly century long battle East Austin residents have waged against discriminatory urban planning policies resulting in educational segregation, environmentally racist industrial zoning, and contemporary displacement of working class communities of color for city profit. / text