The author views that the complexity of conflict implies that the African Union’s engagement with conflict – both in understanding and managing it – will benefit from an approach informed by the theory of complexity. Discusses the following questions: (1) What normative framework currently informs the African system of conflict management? (2) Is complexity theory compatible with the analysis and management of conflict? (3) What are the implications for conflict analysis and management? (4) What would a complexity approach add to the African system? / Thesis (LLM (Human Rights and Democratisation in Africa)) -- University of Pretoria, 2008. / A Dissertation submitted to the Faculty of Law University of Pretoria, in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree Masters of Law (LLM in Human Rights and Democratisation in Africa). Prepared under the supervision of Dr Patrice Vahard, Faculty of Law, University of Addis Ababa, Ethiopia / http://www.chr.up.ac.za/ / Centre for Human Rights / LLM

Die vorliegende Arbeit untersucht die Frage, welche Auswirkung die Zunahme irregulärer Migration aus den Gebieten Afrikas südlich der Sahara in die Europäische Union (EU) auf die politischen Beziehungen der Regionen zueinander hat. Wissenschaftliche Arbeiten zu internationaler und irregulärer Migration und ihrer Auswirkung auf die Internationalen Beziehungen sind bisher die Ausnahme. Die vorliegende Arbeit leistet einen Beitrag dazu, diese Lücke zu füllen und Migration aus einer politikwissenschaftlichen Perspektive zu beleuchten. Durch eine fundierte Analyse können Politikstrategien der Afrikanischen und der Europäischen Seite aufgezeigt, die Chancen der Interessensdurchsetzung bewertet und die Wirkung der Kooperation auf die Problematik der irregulären Migration eingeschätzt werden. Die Arbeit baut auf den gängigen Theorien der Internationalen Beziehungen auf, die Hypothesen beruhen auf einer Gegenüberstellung der kooperationspolitischen Annahmen des Neorealismus und des neoliberalen Institutionalismus. Die empirische Überprüfung beruht auf einer qualitativen Inhaltsanalyse zugänglicher Dokumente und Verträge der EU und der African Union (AU) sowie der Westafrikanischen Regionalorganisation ECOWAS. Ergänzt wird die Dokumentenstudie um Experteninterviews mit afrikanischen Botschaftern in Berlin. Die Arbeit kommt zu dem Ergebnis, dass die Zunahme irregulärer Migration zu einer Veränderung in der Europäisch-Afrikanischen Kooperation geführt hat. Migrationspolitik ist zu einem strategischen Bereich der EU-Außenpolitik gegenüber Afrika geworden. In der Europäischen Politik überwiegen trotz Anerkennung der entwicklungspolitischen Möglichkeiten regulärer Migration restriktive Ansätze. Diese wirken sich nachteilig auf die Afrikanischen Herkunftsländer aus und begünstigen eine weitere Zunahme irregulärer Migration. Um angemessene Politikstrategien zu entwickeln ist aufgrund einer nicht zu erwartenden Veränderung der Europäischen Politik insbesondere die Afrikanische Seite gefragt. Hier dominierte in der Vergangenheit eine kritische Haltung gegenüber Personenfreizügigkeit. Erst seit kurzem kommt es zu einer abgestimmten supranationalen Positionierung auf ECOWAS- und AU-Ebene, in der positive Wirkungen regulärer Migration anerkannt werden. Diese spiegeln sich aber bisher nicht in nationalstaatlichen Politiken wider. / The thesis deals with the question, whether the increased irregular migration from Sub-Saharan Africa to the European Union (EU) has an impact on the inter-regional relations. Papers dealing with international and irregular migration and its impact on international relations are still rare. The thesis contributes to fill this gap and to highlight migration from a political science point of view. By providing a comprehensive analysis, political strategies of the African and the European side are identified, the chances of enforcements of interests showed and the effect of cooperation on the prevention of irregular migration is assessed. The thesis is based on the established theories of international relations. The hypothesis are based on the assumptions of neorealism and neolibral institutionalism on international cooperation. The empirical testing is based on a qualitative content analysis reviewing of available documents and contracts of the EU and the African Union (AU) as well as the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS). In addition, data derives from expert interviews conducted with African ambassadors in Berlin. The thesis comes to the conclusion that the increase in irregular migration let to a shift in the European-African cooperation. Migration policy now is a strategic part of the European foreign policy towards Africa. The European policy mainly pursues a restrictive policy although the chances of a regular form of migration have been officially recognized. This policy approach has a negative effect on the African countries of origin. At the same time, it favors a further increase of irregular migration. In order to develop an adequate policy, the African governments are particularly challenged as the European policy cannot be expected to change its politics towards migration. Here, in the past a critical position towards freedom of movement dominated. Only recently, a supranational position at ECOWAS-level comes up, which appreciates the positive effects of migration. However, this is not yet translated into policies at the national level.

"The Organisation of African Unity (OAU), in spite of its commitments to human rights, failed to develop its institutions for conflict resolution and thus address the problem of massive and grave human rights violations that occurred as a result of conflicts. The OAU failed to actively engage the African Commission, which was established to promote and protect human rights, in addressing any of the conflicts in Africa. The OAU also failed to take action on the reports of the African Commission, in which the Commission had highlighted cases of massive and grave violations of human rights occasioned from conflicts. Consequently, most of the conflicts in Africa have not been fully resolved and there are still instances of sporadic outbreaks of violent conflicts with fatal consequences. The African Union (AU) improves upon the commitment of the OAU to human rights and conflict resolution by incorporating human rights norms into its Constitutive Act and the establishment of the Peace and Security Council of the African Union (AUPSC). However, the AU is yet to demonstrate its real commitment to human rights and conflict resolution particularly in taking action on reports of violations of human rights occurring as a result of conflicts. ... This thesis is composed of five chapters. This first chapter provides a general introduction to the thesis and outlines its structure. Chapter two looks at the relationship between human rights and conflict resolution and examines some of the tensions that exist between the two fields in terms of their normative standards, objectives and strategies. The third chapter then looks at the mechanisms for conflict resolution in Africa under the OAU, manely the Commission of Mediation, Conciliation and Arbitration (CMCA) and the Mechanism for Conflict Prevention, Management and Resolution (MCPMR), their successes and failures and the lessons that can be drawn from their performance and also discusses the role of the African Commission in conflict resolution. Chapter four discusses the AUPSC, its structure, powers, organisaton and performance so far. Chapter five covers the conclusions and recommendations of the study." -- Introduction. / Thesis (LLM (Human Rights and Democratisation in Africa)) -- University of Pretoria, 2004. / Prepared under the supervision of Dr. Enid Hill at the Department of Political Science, School of Humanities and Social Sciences, American University in Cairo, Egypt / http://www.chr.up.ac.za/academic_pro/llm1/llm1.html / Centre for Human Rights / LLM

This thesis deals with the policy of apartheid in the SAU and later in the SAR and its reflexion in the foreign countries. Massacre in Sharpeville, which took place on March 21, 1960 close to Johannesburg had an important impact on the approach to the policy of racial segregation. South African police opened fire on the crowd of protesters against pass law, 69 people were killed and many others wounded. Sharpeville became a symbol of the policy of racial segregation and oppression of the non - white population of South Africa and it gained worldwide response. Thesis is focused on the impact of this event on the short - term domestic crisis. The main part deals with the influence in international relations. It analyzes the impact of worldwide critique of apartheid on the relation with Commonwealth, United Nations Organization, Organization of the African Unity and USA. Key words Apartheid, South African Union, South African Republic, Sharpeville

Doctor Legum - LLD / The African Court on Human and Peoples’ Right (the Court) is the most recent of the three regional Human Rights Bodies. Envisioned by the African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Right, its structures was not planned until the Organisation of African Unity (OAU) promulgated a protocol for its creation in 1998. The Court complements the protective mandate of the African Commission on Human and Peoples’ Rights (‘The Commission’) and the Court has the competence to take final and binding decisions on human rights violations. Unlike its European and inter-American versions where their courts are integral parts of the cardinal instrument of the system ab initio, the establishment of the African Court was merely an afterthought. At the initial, protection of rights rested solely with the Commission upon African justice system which emphasises reconciliation as it is non-confrontational method of settlements of. The Commission is a quasi-judicial body modelled after the United Nations Human Right Committee without binding powers and with only limited functions covering examination of State reports, communications alleging violations and interpreting the Charter at the request of a State, the OAU or any organisation recognised by the OAU. The thesis answers the question whether the adoption of the African Court means that the African model of enforcing human rights has failed or whether having the Court constitute a concession to the triumph of the western model of law enforcement. The imperative of the 30th Ordinary Session of the OAU in 1994 where the creation of an African Court of Human and Peoples’ Rights was viewed as the best way of protecting human rights across the region would be treated. The relevance of such an examination is highlighted by the fact that the African Charter did not make any provision for the establishment of a Court to enforce the rights guaranteed thereunder. If we are to assume that justice by reconciliation has failed and should be replaced by or complimented with justice by adjudication as the primary means of conflict resolution, what guarantees are there that the latter form of justice will not also fail? This thesis therefore will critically evaluate the African Court on Human and Peoples’ Rights and assessed its potential impact on the African human rights system. It will also probe the power of the Court and see whether a clear and mutually reinforcing division of labour between it and the African Commission can be developed to promote and protect human rights on the continent. This research brings to focus an area that requires attention if the African human rights regime is to be effective. It put to test the criticism against the African Charter and the Protocol to the African Charter on the Establishment of an African Court on Human and Peoples’ Rights and also identified the present existing flaws in the African regional system. Furthermore, it ascertained whether or not, given the availability of other options, a regional Court is, in fact, the ideal mechanism for the protection of human rights in Africa.

A Dissertation Submitted to the Faculty of Humanities, University of Witwatersrand in Fulfilment for the Award of the Degree of Master of Arts in Translation and Interpreting Studies, March 2017 / Using the Translation Unit of the Pan African Parliament (PAP-TU) as a case study, this research set out to find a comprehensive method for assuring the quality of the translation services of non-commercial organisations. This aim is fulfilled through achieving two objectives: firstly, assessing the current situation of the PAP-TU; secondly, building a model for quality management and best practice to assure the quality of the services of the PAP-TU. In addition to solving the problem at hand, this research is motivated by exploring new areas of translation studies, engaging in the ongoing debate around the topic and contributing to the body of knowledge in this lessexplored area. To achieve the objectives of the research, a qualitative empirical study was designed to examine the correlation between ‘adopting a quality management model’ and ‘assuring translation quality’. An action research method was used to inform the outcome of the study and to provide a framework for its design. For achieving the first objective, a case study research method was used to assess the current situation of the PAP-TU. The data was collected through interviews, fieldwork observation and archival research techniques; a grounded theory technique was used for analysing the data. A modelling research method was used for achieving the second objective: creating a quality model for the PAP-TU. The study finds that the current approaches to translation quality are unable to assure the quality of the translation services of non-commercial organisations and that there is a need for a more holistic model. The main outcome of the study is the creation of a quality model for the PAPTU. The study has reached many conclusions; the most important of which are: firstly, there is a shift in the translation field from considering translation as a craft or art to professionalization and industrialisation; secondly, the study confirms the gap between translation theory and practice. The study recommends conducting more research in the field of translation quality management as a growing branch of translation studies and in freelancing as an important type of employment for translators. The study also recommends designing translators’ training programmes after studying the market to address the latest needs and trends in the market. / XL2018

Thesis submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of (PhD) in the School of Law at the University of the Witwatersrand School of Law Faculty of Commerce, Law and Management University of the Witwatersrand, Johannesburg / Since the 1970s, when third world countries challenged the market-dominated international trade regime, the United Nations (UN) has been engaging without relent on how to fill the gap in business and human rights governance. The gap exists in countries with relaxed domestic regulatory regimes, where multinational corporations commit human rights violations without regional and institutional mechanisms to hold them accountable. From the draft codes, to the Global Compacts and the UN Draft Norms, the search failed to yield the desired result. In 2005, another move was made that produced a compendium of UN Guiding Principles on Business and Human Rights (UNGP) which was unanimously endorsed by the UN Human Rights Council (UNHRC) in May 2011. Although it has been argued that the endorsement fills the gap that has been missing in the quest for global corporate accountability, the search continues unabated at the UN forum albeit without the support of some powerful nations for a ‘binding international legal instrument’ that will regulate the activities of corporations with regard to human rights. However, while awaiting the outcome of the recent interrogation on the issue, the UNHRC passed a resolution that the implementation of the UNGP should commence. Since Africa is one of the continents greatly affected by this problem, this thesis considers how the African Union (AU) can develop a framework for corporate human rights responsibility and accountability in line with the UNGP. To this end this thesis proposes a mechanism that will engender a proper implementation of the UNGP; it argues that a new treaty process and implementation of the UNGP are simply different sides of the same coin and that they serve the same purpose. The thesis also considers the adequacy of the existing regulatory framework for corporate human rights accountability in Africa and explores the creation of an appropriate forum for the implementation of the UNGP. Choosing the AU as the suitable forum, this thesis endeavours to examine how some legal and policy-making institutions in the AU can be rejuvenated, overhauled and re-positioned in order to perform effective corporate accountability oversight to support the domestic and sub-regional systems. Furthermore, it attempts to provide possible remedies to victims of corporate human rights violations in Africa.

A busca pela pacificação da África pode ser considerada como um dos principais desafios encontrados pelos países africanos no imediato pós-independência. Em certa medida, romper com guerras civis e garantir a estabilidade continental foram se tornando algumas das principais preocupações das lideranças africanas. Reflexo disso pode ser encontrado nas várias iniciativas propriamente africanas criadas no continente no período pós-colonial visando à estabilidade e à promoção do desenvolvimento econômico e social do continente. Nesse sentido, o presente trabalho busca compreender a evolução da Arquitetura Africana de Paz e Segurança (AAPS) desde a criação da Organização da Unidade Africana (OUA), em 1963 – primeiro mecanismo africano de segurança –, até os dias atuais, com foco na Autoridade Intergovernamental para o Desenvolvimento (IGAD) na estabilização do Chifre da África. / The search for the pacification of Africa may be considered as one of the main challenges found by African countries in the post-independence immediate period. To some extent, to break off civil wars and guarantee continentall estability increasingly became a major concern of African leaderships. The impact of this can be found in several truly African initiatives created in the post-colonial period, aiming to ensure stabilty and promotion of economic and social development on the continent. In this sense, this work seeks to comprehend the evolution of the African Architecture of Peace and Security (AAPS) since the creation of the Organization of the African Unity in 1963 - first African security mechanism - up to this day, focusing in the Intergovernmental Authority on Development (IGAD) in the estabilisation of the Horn of Africa.

In der vorliegenden Arbeit analysiert Yann Wernert die Rolle der Afrikanischen Union im Rahmen von Regionalkonflikten in Afrika. Dabei wird insbesondere Wert auf die konkrete Vorgehensweise der Afrikanischen Union in den jeweiligen Konflikten gelegt. Untersucht wird der Bürgerkrieg in Somalia sowie die Versuche seitens der internationalen Gemeinschaft, eine stabile politische Ordnung wieder aufzubauen. Ebenfalls analysiert wird der Darfur-Konflikt im Sudan und die Möglichkeiten, den regelmäßig stattfindenden Massakern Einhalt zu gebieten. Der Untersuchungszeitraum erstreckt sich von 2003 bis 2007. / The following work analyses the role of the African Union in regional conflicts in Africa. A focus has been laid on the concrete handling of each conflict by the African Union. Objects of analysis are the civil war in Somalia and the subsequent efforts to restore a stable political order in the country, as well as the Darfur conflict in Sudan. The years 2003 to 2007 have been examined.

This study examines the European Union normative power in Sub-Saharan African countries. It is based upon theoretical researches on normative power and official publications about EU’s normative power in Africa. The aim of the thesis is to analyse the EU’s role in Africa as normative power. The following questions are posed: What are the reasons of exercising normative power by the EU in Africa? What are the main areas the EU acts as normative power in African continent? And what are the results of EU normative power activity in Africa? The theoretical approach assumes that the EU is no longer a normative power. But, nevertheless, it can exercise normative power. The study is conducted with a qualitative method research. The results show that the EU as a normative power pursues egoistic motives in Africa. But its normative power becomes limited by some factors: growing economic development of Africa, growing EU military power. This confirms the theory. / <p>Hope, You agree to use the thesis only for lawful purposes, and in a way that does not infringe the rights of, restrict or inhibit anyone else's use and enjoyment of the thesis. Remember you should ask authors' permission to use the thesis.</p>