"The Constitutive Act of the African Union (AU Act) recognises in article 4(c) as one of its principles: 'participation of the people in the activities of the Union'. This principle could be implemented through, among others, the involvement of non-governmental organisations (NGOs) in the activities of the AU. This study submits that NGOs will play a meaningful role in ensuring the promotion and protection of human rights by the AU and its institutions. The New Partnership for Africa's Development (NEPAD) is an economic programme of the AU. The NEPAD document outlines among other things the promotion and protection of human rights as a necessary precondition for the success of NEPAD. Therefore, a lot of NGO input is needed for the efective implementation of NEPAD's human rights ovjective as well. ... In addition to this introductory chapter, the study continues along the following outlines: the second chapter examines the legal basis and institutional framework of the African Union relating to human rights and the possibility of cooperation between NGOs and the different organs of the AU and NEPAD. Chapter three addresses the mandate of the African Commission for protection and promotion of human rights in Africa with the view of investigating what lessons can be learnt from this cooperation. This chapter focuses on the extent to which NGOs have contributed to the enhancement of the work of the African Commission. Chapter four highlights the role of NGOs in the UN system regarding the protection and promotion of human rights, with the view of drawing some inspirations and making recommendations of this experience to the AU. Chapter five sums up the general conclusions made in the study and makes some recommendations." -- Chapter 1. / Prepared under the supervision of Mr. Tshepo Madlingozi at the Faculty of Law, University of Pretoria, South Africa / Thesis (LLM (Human Rights and Democratisation in Africa)) -- University of Pretoria, 2003. / http://www.chr.up.ac.za/academic_pro/llm1/dissertations.html / Centre for Human Rights / LLM

“For too long the world has stood by in the face of atrocities. The Responsibility to Protect is a commitment to act.” After the 2005 World Summit, the international community endorsed a new international norm, the Responsibility to Protect. This new international norm stipulates that the primary responsibility to protect the population of a country lies with the state itself. When a state is either unable or unwilling to protect peoples, the responsibility shifts to the international community. The obligation must be exercised preventively and the tools of action include diplomatic, legal and other peaceful measures; coercive measures such as sanctions; and, as a last resort, military force. / Thesis (LLM (Human Rights and Democratisation in Africa)) -- University of Pretoria, 2011. / http://www.chr.up.ac.za/ / nf2012 / Centre for Human Rights / LLM

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An increased global attention has been placed on the effects of migration on development, particularly in Africa, due to the increase in remittances to the continent. The African Union (AU) has negotiated multiple migration frameworks and conventions to promote development in this arena. The increased attention has also made researchers within the Migration-Development Nexus (MDN) question the uncritical use of the concept development. This study aims to answer the question of: “How does the AU’s representation of development affect its migration policy?”. The “What's the Problem Represented to be?” model was used to analyse the colonial discourse in the representation of development in the Migration Policy Framework for Africa 2018-2030. The results showed that development is discursively represented as economic growth, migrants are seen as agents of development and North-South hierarchies are evident in the representation of developed/underdeveloped. It was concluded that focus should lie on state-by-state definitions of what development is and is not

The European Union and Africa have sought to establish tight economic and political relations after the era of colonialism. However, European colonialism in the African continent has left behind colonial legacies that are still present in the postcolonial world. Contemporary EU- Africa relations have aimed to transcend the conventional donor-recipient relationship shaped by colonial legacies, towards a more equal and mutually beneficial partnership. Such a partnership of equals has been a declared goal of the current European Commission outlined in the EU-Africa Strategy “Towards a comprehensive Strategy with Africa”. This thesis aims to examine the partnership and power relations between the EU and the AU, seeking to answer the question of how the EU constructs Africa as an equal partner in the EU- Africa Strategy. This thesis entails theoretical and analytical frameworks combining two critical approaches, postcolonial theory and the WPR method. By applying these frameworks to the thesis, the findings reveal that the EU constructs Africa as a dependent partner through pragmatic discourse on partnership, due to the deep-seated remnants of colonial structures within the EU-Africa Strategy. These colonial structures position the EU as a dominant actor providing support for the dependent actor, Africa, implying that the partnership is based on asymmetrical power relations between the two actors. This research attempts to contribute to the somewhat underdeveloped canon of postcolonial approaches to EU-Africa relations and highlight the suitability of a postcolonial approach for this type of research.

This study is entitled ‘investigating the challenges in enforcing international human rights law in Africa: Towards an effective regional system’. It centres around a critical research problem namely: what challenges beset regional enforcement of human rights law in Africa and how can they be addressed to ensure the effective promotion and protection of human rights in the continent? It critically reviews and revisits the discourses and scholarly arguments on the crucial issue of regional enforcement of human rights law in Africa. It traverses through historical epochs in order to explain the origins, scope and evolution of human rights law in Africa. This is done in the quest for answers to questions such as: When and how did Africa’s regional human rights system originate? What factors led to its emergence? Was the concept of human rights recognised in Africa prior to European colonial rule? What is the present status of international human rights in Africa? It therefore lays the foundations for a better understanding of the historical and philosophical origins and evolution of Africa’s regional human rights system. The study then proceeds to review the normative and institutional mechanisms established in Africa to enforce human rights at the regional level. Particularly, it highlights the roles of the African Commission and Court on Human and Peoples’ Rights in the light of their contribution to, and challenges in, the enforcement of human rights in the region. The study concludes with recommendations on the possible ways to invigorate the African human rights system. One of the key findings is that, with appropriate reforms, the system can be more effective. / Constitutional, International & Indigenous Law / LL.D. (Public, Constitutional and International Law)

This study is entitled ‘investigating the challenges in enforcing international human rights law in Africa: Towards an effective regional system’. It centres around a critical research problem namely: what challenges beset regional enforcement of human rights law in Africa and how can they be addressed to ensure the effective promotion and protection of human rights in the continent? It critically reviews and revisits the discourses and scholarly arguments on the crucial issue of regional enforcement of human rights law in Africa. It traverses through historical epochs in order to explain the origins, scope and evolution of human rights law in Africa. This is done in the quest for answers to questions such as: When and how did Africa’s regional human rights system originate? What factors led to its emergence? Was the concept of human rights recognised in Africa prior to European colonial rule? What is the present status of international human rights in Africa? It therefore lays the foundations for a better understanding of the historical and philosophical origins and evolution of Africa’s regional human rights system. The study then proceeds to review the normative and institutional mechanisms established in Africa to enforce human rights at the regional level. Particularly, it highlights the roles of the African Commission and Court on Human and Peoples’ Rights in the light of their contribution to, and challenges in, the enforcement of human rights in the region. The study concludes with recommendations on the possible ways to invigorate the African human rights system. One of the key findings is that, with appropriate reforms, the system can be more effective. / Constitutional, International and Indigenous Law / LL.D. (Public, Constitutional and International Law)

Thesis (MPhil (Political Science))--University of Stellenbosch, 2009. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This thesis examines the prospects of an effective African peacekeeping capability in light of the developing peace and security architecture of the relatively new continental body, the African Union (AU). The primary aim is to determine the nature and severity of those challenges that currently face the organization’s ambition of realizing this Pan-African dream. This study is a qualitative analysis that comprises both descriptive and exploratory aspects. The thesis begins by discussing the development of peacekeeping in conflict management. It establishes that peacekeeping emerged as an ad hoc response by the UN to address the growing issue of inter-state conflict during the Cold War, but has evolved into one of the primary tools used by the international community to manage complex crises. The advent of new security threats in the post-Cold War era, spurred on by the dynamic process of globalization, necessitated that peacekeeping adapt and is commonly perceived in contemporary discourse as a multidimensional practice. Central to this development was the shift in focus from international to human security and the recent development of the Responsibility to Protect doctrine. The study then goes on to explore the process that has ultimately led to the establishment of the AU’s proposed peacekeeping capability, the African Standby Force (ASF). With a dramatic increase in incidences of violent conflict across the globe in the 1990s, the UN’s limited resources were pushed to the limit, thus paving the way for regional organizations to play a more important role in ensuring international peace and security. The establishment of the AU in 2002 was meant to put to bed the inability of its forerunner, the Organization of African Unity (OAU), which had suffered from limited financial, logistical and structural competence, while its political and institutional authority was hampered by dissent and the qualified support of member states. However, as the African Union Mission in the Darfur region of Sudan (AMIS), highlights, the AU’s peacekeeping capacity is hamstrung by a lack of political will on the part of African leaders, weak institutional capacity, severe financial constraints as well as an overly militaristic approach that neglects the essential multidimensional nature of peacekeeping. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die tesis ondersoek die vooruitsigte van ‘n effektiewe Afrika vrede-bewaringsmag, binne die konteks van die huidige Afrika Unie (AU) se raamwerk vir vrede en sekuriteit. Die primêre navorsingsdoel is om vas te stel wat die AU se belangrikste uitdagings is, om die die strewe na Pan-Afrikanisme te bewerkstellig in die area van vrede-instandhouding op die kontinent. Eerstens word ‘n oorsig gegee oor die ontwikkeling van vrede-instandhouding binne die konteks van konflikbestuur. Die afleiding word gemaak dat vrede-instandhouding ontstaan het as ‘n ad hoc proses binne die Verenigde Nasies ten einde inter-staat konflik tydens die Koue Oorlog, te besleg. Dit is later binne die internasionale gemeenskap aanvaar as die primêre strategie vir die oplossing en hantering van internasionale konflik. Na die einde van die Koue Oorlog, en tesame met die dinamiese proses van globalisering, het vredeinstandhouding egter verder ontwikkel en ’n multi-dimensionele proses geword. Hierdie ontwikkeling is hoofsaaklik gekenmerk deur ’n fokus wat wegbeweeg het van tradisionele soewereiniteits-sekuriteit na menslike sekuriteit. Dit het gepaardgegaan met die gelyktydige ontwikkeling van die Verantwoordelikheid om te Beskerm doktrine. Die studie ondersoek verder die prosesse wat bygedra het tot die AU se voorgestelde vredesmag – die Afrika Bystandsmag (ASF). As gevolg van ’n toename in internasionale konflik tydens die 1990s is die Verenigde Nasies se vermoeëns tot die uiterste beproef. Dit het die weg gebaan vir die opkoms van kontinentale en streeks-organisasies om ‘n meer prominente rol te speel in internasional vrede-instandhouding en sekuriteit. Die stigting van die AU in 2002, was veronderstel om die finansiële, logistieke en strukturele tekortkominge van sy voorganger, die Unie vir Afrika Eenheid (OAU) aan te spreek, aangesien laasgenoemde se politieke en institusionele hoedanigheid ondermyn is deur sy lidlande. Daar word bevind – met behulp van ’n gevalle-studie analise van die AU se Sending na Soedan (AMIS) dat die AU se kapasiteit nie na wense is nie, as gevolg van die gebrek aan samewerking tussen leiers, finansiële tekortkominge en ’n neiging om militaristiese benadering te volg, ten koste van die multi-dimensionele aspek van vredes-instandhouding.

Thesis (MBA (Business Management))--University of Stellenbosch, 2009. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Since independence in the early 1950's, Africa's overall economic performance compared very unfavourably with those of other regions of the developing world mainly because it attained political independence as a fragmented continent. From this time, the vision of African leaders has been that of regional integration and the creation of the African common market. The vision of a common market which unites Africa's mostly small and fragmented economies would lead to economies of scale, thereby making African countries more competitive. That vision however, has been clouded by the devastation of war, both civil and territorial and corruption which drains the state. Therefore, the importance of regional economic integration is pertinent and more so, the role of Regional Economic Communities as integrative institutions. The African Union, the main institution for political, economic and social integration established the African Economic Community whose main role is to facilitate the regional economic integration process in Africa. Africa's RECs have been designated by the Abuja Treaty as the building blocks for integration and the eventual creation of an African Economic Community. The Abuja Treaty and the Constitutive Act of the African Union provides for the coordination and harmonization of the policies of the Regional Economic Communities. One of the main challenges confronting Africa in its quest for full integration is the rationalisation of regional economic communities. The RECs with their treaties, protocols and agendas are logical institutions to jumpstart Africa's integration. The African Union recognises eight Regional Economic Communities, but the African continent has fourteen inter-governmental organizations (IGOs), all of which are working on regional integration issues. The RECs have had some successes but have not met their objectives of greater production. The RECs need to be revived and the first thing would be to rationalise their structure and their interactions with national governments. Rationalisation has benefits and costs and rationalisation efforts should focus on efficiency and effectiveness. Ultimately, rationalisation would allow Africa to attain the full benefits of integration, particularly growth for trade within and outside Africa. Regional Economic Communities are viewed as pillars of continental integration by the African Union. The strategy of economic emancipation must denote economic development for all African people including grass roots level and there is no doubt that significant challenges exist and must be addressed. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Sedert die onafhanlikheid in die vroeë 1950's het die oorgrote ekonomiese groei van Afrika goed vergelyk met die ander onwikkelende streke in die wêreld grotendeels as gevolg van die gefragmenteerde onafhanklikheidswording in Afika as geheel. Vir die eerste keer was die visie van Afrika leiers dit eens dat Afrika streke as een moet integreer asook die daarstelling van een gemeenskaplike mark. Hierdie visie is egter vertroebel deur die verwoesting van oorloë, beide siviel en territoriaal, asook korrupsie, wat 'n staat dreineer. Daarom is die belangrikheid van streeks ekonomiese integrasie steeds belangrik, en nog meer so, die rol van Streeks Ekonomiese Gemeenskappe (REC's) as integrerende instelling. Die Afrika Unie, die hoof instelling vir politieke, ekonomiese en sosiale integrasie het die Afrika Ekonomiese Gemeenskap, wie se hoof taak dit is om die streeks ekonomiese integrasie te fasiliteer, gestig. Afrika se Streeks Ekonomiese Gemeenskappe is aangewys deur die Abuja Verdrag, om as die bouers van integrasie op te tree, met die uiteindelike daarstelling van 'n Afrika Ekonomiese Gemeenskap. Die Abuja Verdrag en die Konstutiewe Wet van die Afrika Unie maak voorsiening vir die koordinasie in ooreenstemming met die beleidsrigting van die Streeks Ekonomiese Gemeenskappe. Een van die hoof uitdagings wat Afrika in die gesig staar, met die soektog na volle integrasie, is die rasionalisasie van streeks ekonomiese gemeenskappe. Die Streeks Ekonomiese Gemeenskappe met hulle verdrae, protokol en agendas is die logiese instelling om die integrasie van Afrika 'n hupstoot te gee. Die Afrika Unie erken agt Streeks Ekonomiese Gemeenskappe maar die Afrika kontinent het veertien inter-regerings organisasies (IGO's) wat almal werk aan streeks integrasie kwessies. Die Streeks Ekonomiese Gemeenskappe het 'n sekere mate van sukses behaal, maar het nog nie hulle geteikende groter produksie bereik nie. Die Streeks Ekonomiese Gemeenskappe moet opnuut herleef word en die eerste stap sou wees om te rasionaliseer oor hulle struktuur en die interaksie met nasionale regerings. Rasionalisering het voordele en kostes en pogings behoort te fokus op doeltreffendheid en effektiwiteit. Die uiteinde van rasionalisering sal Afrika die volle voordele van integrasie, veral t.o.v handelsgroei binne en buite Afrika, ervaar. Streeks Ekonomiese Gemeenskappe word beskou, deur die Afrika Unie, as die pilare van kontinentale intergrasie. Die strategie van ekonomiese emansipasie moet 'n aanduiding wees vir ekonomiese ontwikkeling vir al die mense van Afrika, ook op grondvlak, en daar is geen twyfel dat beduidende uitdagings bestaan en dat dit moet aangespreek word.

Student Number: 0108593A - MA research report - School of Social and Sciences - Faculty of Humanities / South Africa’s diplomatic involvement in the continent and particularly in Cote d’Ivoire is the main focus of this paper. Therefore, the rationale of this dissertation is to investigate the reasons of the African Union (AU) to choose South Africa as a peace broker rather than the Cote d’Ivoire crisis as such. South Africa’s diplomatic engagement in Cote d’Ivoire in 2004 was as a result of numerous attempts by AU, Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) and France to find a peaceful solution to what was once the most economic and political stable country in West Africa. The crust of this paper is to ascertain reasons why the AU designated South Africa the responsibility to mediate a peace process in Cote d’Ivoire. Furthermore, What difference can South Africa really make in Cote d’Ivoire search for peace, given the failure of other third parties as well as South Africa’s ability to export its model of power-sharing in the continent. Against this backdrop, it is also vital to examine reasons why South Africa accepted to broker a peace deal in Cote d’Ivoire in November 2004 rather that two years ago when the conflict was on its early stages. In fact, this is not the first time South Africa was requested to help solve conflicts in West Africa. Interestingly, at first, South Africa refused to offer mediation in West Africa in 2003 citing reasons that it was overburdened in other peacekeeping missions in Africa. Thus, this paper will attempt to find reasons why this time around South Africa accepted the job to mediate a peace process in Cote d’Ivoire in the backyard of Nigeria.