<p>Uppsatsen behandlar hur Sveriges syn på Estland, uttryckt i Riksdagsdebatten, förändras från 1985 till 2008, analyserat ur ett identitetspolitiskt perspektiv. Identitetspolitik innebär att självidentifikationen av en stat primärt bygger på identifieringen av "de andra" och att upprättandet av en gräns gentemot "de" skapar utrikespolitik. Undersökningen bygger på en kvalitativ analys av riksdagstryck från den berörda perioden och fokuserar på beskrivningen av Estland i debatten. Författaren menar att det under denna tid finns ett flertal tydliga tendenser till förändring som mynnar ut i Estland går från att vara något som omnämns ytterst försiktigt och endast med bakgrund av Kalla Kriget till att bli ett europeiskt Östersjöland som är en nära samarbetspartner för Sverige. Under loppet av denna utveckling blir både Östersjön och Europa viktiga identifikationer för Sverige medan Norden står tillbaka i relativa termer.</p> / <p>This study uses a perspective of identity politics to examine how the Swedish view of Estonia, as expressed in parliamentary debate, developes from 1985 to 2008. Identity politics implies that the self-identification of a state is primarily based on identification of "the others" and that the creation of a boundary between "us" and "them" creates foreign policy. The study uses a qualitative analysis of parliamentary publications from said time period and focuses on the description of Estonia in parliamentary debate. The author claims that there are several clearly changing tendencies during this time which signifies the trasformation of Estonia from being discussed only in careful terms within a Cold War-setting to a European Baltic Sea nation which is an important partner for Sweden. During this developement the Baltic Sea and Europe become important terms of identification for Sweden while Scandinavia becomes less important.</p>

This research investigates the discursive construction of Hong Kong identity in mediated political communication, in order to understand the relationship between media discourse and the political economy of the media in Hong Kong, as well as the political and economic context in Hong Kong, and thereby reveal the dynamic of the involvement of the media in the politics of Hong Kong identity. It is argued that the Hong Kong identity has changed substantially over the past few decades, and that these changes have been shaped by broader political changes, economic developments and cultural shifts, all of which have been filtered through the Hong Kong media system. To demonstrate this, the thesis employs a novel combination of textual and contextual analysis, drawing on analytical techniques and concepts from corpus linguistics, critical discourse analysis, the political economy of the media, and sociological theories of identity. To be able to assess the relative role of the media system factors and the broader contextual elements in shaping the mediated representations of Hong Kong, the research encompasses two case studies, one focusing on the media coverage of the 2004 interpretation of the Basic Law regarding universal suffrage, the other on the coverage of the Chief Executive Election in 2005. The analysis reveals that the mediated construction of Hong Kong identity is closely related to the political economy of individual newspapers the newspaper type, its readership, ownership, political affiliation and commercial orientation. The comparison between the two case studies also shows that the media representations of identity are also inflected by the characteristics of the broader society of Hong Kong, its politics and economy at the chosen points of time. The results of the study contribute to a better understanding of Hong Kong, its identity, political culture, and its media system. These results also suggest that the analytical approach used, based on a parallel examination of the political economy of the media and the discursive constructions of identity in the media, has a lot to offer and could be fruitfully applied to other cases around the world.

This essay focuses on the reception of Yahya Hassan’s debut YAHYA HASSAN in Swedish media, mainly daily newspapers. Following the work of Magnus Nilsson it analyzes the “reading strategy of the politics of identity” in “immigrant literature” and outlines structural racism in the literary scene. By bringing attention to the critics’ use of this reading strategy, it is possible to unveil the “ethnic filter” through which literature by Swedish authors with a “non-Swedish identity” is being read in contemporary Swedish literary criticism. The concept of “immigrant literature” is discussed as a discourse, rather than as an empirical category. This essay aims to show how the Swedish critics read YAHYA HASSAN through the ethnic filter as a work of “immigrant literature”. The Swedish critics read the collection of poems as a political statement, and had difficulties defining Hassans work as poetry. Rather, it was read as an autobiographical novel in a working class tradition. There had been a long discussion in Swedish literary criticism about the autofictional genre, including a moral debate about the line between fact and fiction in autobiographical works. However, this was left almost unmentioned and Hassans poems were read as true and authentic depictions, something that the author himself contributed to in various ways. The essay also outlines the debate in Swedish media where critics discussed the author’s responsibility as an immigrant, a debate where many critics articulated a fear that the experiences depicted in Hassan’s poems could further inspire an already growing racist movement.

Cette thèse étudie le Carnaval de Salvador de Bahia (Brésil) et les festivités de l’Indépendance de Carthagène des Indes (Colombie) dans l’optique de saisir comment leurs différentes formes de manifestations provoquent des tensions politiques, économiques et culturelles au sein de ces deux villes d’Amérique latine. Cette thèse argue que les festivités impliquent des relations antagonistes entre une forme hégémonique de célébration — associée aux pratiques et aux discours des élites urbaines — et d’autres formes diverses, dissidentes, et souvent marginalisées de participation. Dans ce cas, le carnaval et les festivités de Salvador et de Carthagène ne sont pas seulement des espaces de rencontre culturelle à travers les symboles, la danse et la musique, mais aussi des espaces politiques dans lesquels les identités, et les relations de classes et « raciales » sont contestées et reconfigurées. De plus, ces célébrations créent une opportunité pour des groupes différents de déployer de vives critiques envers leur position économique et politique dans un contexte urbain plus grand, qui est renforcé par le tourisme industriel global et les interventions d’un Etat multiculturel. / This thesis studies the Carnival of Salvador de Bahia (Brazil) and the Independence Day Festivities in Cartagena de Indias (Colombia) in order to understand how different ways of celebrating give rise to political, economic, and cultural tensions in these two Latin American cities. This thesis argues that these festivities involve an antagonist relationship between an hegemonic form of celebration— associated with the practices and discourses of the urban elites— and other diverse, dissident, and often marginalized forms of participating. In this way, the carnival and festivities in Salvador and Cartagena are not only spaces of cultural encounter through symbols, dance, and music, but also political spaces in which identities, and racial and class relations are contested and reconfigured. Furthermore, these celebrations create an opportunity for different groups to raise harsh criticism to their own economic and political position in a broader urban context that is highly shaped by the global tourism industry and the interventions of the multicultural state.

Cette thèse étudie le Carnaval de Salvador de Bahia (Brésil) et les festivités de l’Indépendance de Carthagène des Indes (Colombie) dans l’optique de saisir comment leurs différentes formes de manifestations provoquent des tensions politiques, économiques et culturelles au sein de ces deux villes d’Amérique latine. Cette thèse argue que les festivités impliquent des relations antagonistes entre une forme hégémonique de célébration — associée aux pratiques et aux discours des élites urbaines — et d’autres formes diverses, dissidentes, et souvent marginalisées de participation. Dans ce cas, le carnaval et les festivités de Salvador et de Carthagène ne sont pas seulement des espaces de rencontre culturelle à travers les symboles, la danse et la musique, mais aussi des espaces politiques dans lesquels les identités, et les relations de classes et « raciales » sont contestées et reconfigurées. De plus, ces célébrations créent une opportunité pour des groupes différents de déployer de vives critiques envers leur position économique et politique dans un contexte urbain plus grand, qui est renforcé par le tourisme industriel global et les interventions d’un Etat multiculturel. / This thesis studies the Carnival of Salvador de Bahia (Brazil) and the Independence Day Festivities in Cartagena de Indias (Colombia) in order to understand how different ways of celebrating give rise to political, economic, and cultural tensions in these two Latin American cities. This thesis argues that these festivities involve an antagonist relationship between an hegemonic form of celebration— associated with the practices and discourses of the urban elites— and other diverse, dissident, and often marginalized forms of participating. In this way, the carnival and festivities in Salvador and Cartagena are not only spaces of cultural encounter through symbols, dance, and music, but also political spaces in which identities, and racial and class relations are contested and reconfigured. Furthermore, these celebrations create an opportunity for different groups to raise harsh criticism to their own economic and political position in a broader urban context that is highly shaped by the global tourism industry and the interventions of the multicultural state.

Ziel der vorliegenden Dissertation ist es, Formen kultureller Produktion und ihre Anbindungen an sprachliche und politische Realitäten am Beispiel der kanadischen Provinz Québec darzustellen. Die Existenz des französischsprachigen Québec und seiner Differenz ist nicht gegen das englischsprachige Kanada zu erklären, sondern mit diesem. Identitätsreferenzen und Geschichtsbilder sind Teil öffentlicher Bekundungen, ob nun journalistischer, künstlerischer, schulpolitischer oder anderer Art. Gefragt wird nach der Bedeutung historischer Tatsachen für die Gegenwart und dem spezifischen Gebrauch der Geschichte, ihren Helden und Machern in diversen narrativen Formungen an den Schnittpunkten von Öffentlichkeit und Erinnerung. Die verwendeten Quellen decken die Bereiche Film, Literatur, Presse und Politik ab; besonderes Augenmerk wurde auf Schulbuchtexte aus dem Geschichtsunterricht der Sekundarstufe gelegt. Es konnte gezeigt werden, dass sich in zahlreichen Instanzen der Auseinandersetzung nicht etwa anglokanadische und frankokanadische (oder „englische“ und „französische“) Kontrahenten gegenüberstehen, sondern dass die Konfliktparteien oft nicht diesseits und jenseits der Sprachbarriere liegen. Dies konnte am Beispiel der verwobenen Beziehungen von liberaler politischer Macht in Ottawa und dem ultrakonservativen katholischen Klerus Québecs im 19. und 20. Jahrhundert illustriert werden. Gleichzeitig zeigt sich, dass heterogene Strukturen in konkreten Situationen durch wirksame Grenzziehungen gewissermaßen ausgeblendet werden können. Die entstehenden Trennungslinien hatten und haben in Kanada und in Québec sprachliche, religiöse, politische und ethnische Formen, die in Momenten der Krise zu Matrizen bekannter Solidaritäten werden. Im Ergebnis der Untersuchungen steht das Fazit, dass Kanada als Föderation die Sezession Québecs nicht als Ganzes überleben würde. Die Alternative zur gegenwärtigen politischen Gestalt wäre somit nicht Québec auf der einen und ein verbleibendes „English Canada“ auf der anderen Seite, sondern ein weiteres Aufbrechen der bisherigen Kohäsion. Darüber hinaus konnte ein Zusammenhang zwischen der auffälligen Besonderheit einer mehrheitlich katholischen und französischsprachigen Bevölkerung und der großen englischen Monarchie in Amerika aufgezeigt werden. / This Ph.D. thesis aims at an analysis of various forms of cultural production and links with linguistic and politic realities in the Canadian Province Québec. The existence of a French-speaking Québec and its difference cannot be explained without considering “the rest of Canada” as a major factor. Identity references and images of history are seen as public expressions in journalistic, artistic, educational or other forms. The present relevance of historical facts, the specific usage of history, its heroes and its makers are of special interest in narratives operating at the intersection of public sphere and memory politics. Various sources were used in the process of research: film, literature, the press and politics. Special attention was given to history text books in English and French used for secondary level courses in Québec schools. In a number of conflicts the opponents were not on both sides of the language barrier representing „english“ and „french“ interests. One example studied is the case of the intricate relations between liberal political power in Ottawa and the conservative Catholic Church in Québec. At the same time, heterogeneous structures seem to be faded out in specific situations when powerful lines of separation are drawn. In critical situations solidarities are formed in Canada and Québec along the lines of language, religion, politics and ethnic background. As a result of the study it became clear that the separation of Québec from Canada would result not in two parts, Québec and “English Canada” but that the cohesion of the present federation would eventually dissolve into much smaller parts. It also became clear that there is an integral relation between the distinctness of a population with a catholic and French-speaking majority and the English monarchy present in America.

Cette thèse étudie le Carnaval de Salvador de Bahia (Brésil) et les festivités de l’Indépendance de Carthagène des Indes (Colombie) dans l’optique de saisir comment leurs différentes formes de manifestations provoquent des tensions politiques, économiques et culturelles au sein de ces deux villes d’Amérique latine. Cette thèse argue que les festivités impliquent des relations antagonistes entre une forme hégémonique de célébration — associée aux pratiques et aux discours des élites urbaines — et d’autres formes diverses, dissidentes, et souvent marginalisées de participation. Dans ce cas, le carnaval et les festivités de Salvador et de Carthagène ne sont pas seulement des espaces de rencontre culturelle à travers les symboles, la danse et la musique, mais aussi des espaces politiques dans lesquels les identités, et les relations de classes et « raciales » sont contestées et reconfigurées. De plus, ces célébrations créent une opportunité pour des groupes différents de déployer de vives critiques envers leur position économique et politique dans un contexte urbain plus grand, qui est renforcé par le tourisme industriel global et les interventions d’un Etat multiculturel. / This thesis studies the Carnival of Salvador de Bahia (Brazil) and the Independence Day Festivities in Cartagena de Indias (Colombia) in order to understand how different ways of celebrating give rise to political, economic, and cultural tensions in these two Latin American cities. This thesis argues that these festivities involve an antagonist relationship between an hegemonic form of celebration— associated with the practices and discourses of the urban elites— and other diverse, dissident, and often marginalized forms of participating. In this way, the carnival and festivities in Salvador and Cartagena are not only spaces of cultural encounter through symbols, dance, and music, but also political spaces in which identities, and racial and class relations are contested and reconfigured. Furthermore, these celebrations create an opportunity for different groups to raise harsh criticism to their own economic and political position in a broader urban context that is highly shaped by the global tourism industry and the interventions of the multicultural state.

Uppsatsen behandlar hur Sveriges syn på Estland, uttryckt i Riksdagsdebatten, förändras från 1985 till 2008, analyserat ur ett identitetspolitiskt perspektiv. Identitetspolitik innebär att självidentifikationen av en stat primärt bygger på identifieringen av "de andra" och att upprättandet av en gräns gentemot "de" skapar utrikespolitik. Undersökningen bygger på en kvalitativ analys av riksdagstryck från den berörda perioden och fokuserar på beskrivningen av Estland i debatten. Författaren menar att det under denna tid finns ett flertal tydliga tendenser till förändring som mynnar ut i Estland går från att vara något som omnämns ytterst försiktigt och endast med bakgrund av Kalla Kriget till att bli ett europeiskt Östersjöland som är en nära samarbetspartner för Sverige. Under loppet av denna utveckling blir både Östersjön och Europa viktiga identifikationer för Sverige medan Norden står tillbaka i relativa termer. / This study uses a perspective of identity politics to examine how the Swedish view of Estonia, as expressed in parliamentary debate, developes from 1985 to 2008. Identity politics implies that the self-identification of a state is primarily based on identification of "the others" and that the creation of a boundary between "us" and "them" creates foreign policy. The study uses a qualitative analysis of parliamentary publications from said time period and focuses on the description of Estonia in parliamentary debate. The author claims that there are several clearly changing tendencies during this time which signifies the trasformation of Estonia from being discussed only in careful terms within a Cold War-setting to a European Baltic Sea nation which is an important partner for Sweden. During this developement the Baltic Sea and Europe become important terms of identification for Sweden while Scandinavia becomes less important.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-29T14:18:00Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Anderson Schirmer.pdf: 890150 bytes, checksum: 1be1321cd1326f024ac474c371e5d85b (MD5) Previous issue date: 2010-05-10 / Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico / The São Paulo Gay, Lésbian, Bisexual, Transvestite and Transsexual LGBT Pride Parade, in a little less than 10 years in existence, has shown itself to be the largest expression of the Brazilian Homosexual Movement. The social image of the Gay Parade is expressed through the discourse for demands and the playful model of the celebration, which has divided public opinion and the militants. The demonstration aims to raise the visibility of the sexual identity which each category represents. In 1999 as Association was created to organize the event and to promote other same-sex inclusion policies within the framework of Politics of Identities. This dissertation aimed to characterize the discourse of the APOGLBT, articulating it with the theme of Politics of Identity and in addition, to undertake a critique of the Politics of Identity presenting a counterpoint through psychoanalysis. We will discuss how in the models of particular causes there is the risk to exclude the subject and how the taking of Identity with the political statute often reconstructs stereotypes (and new prejudices) and binds the Movement to the shackles of the agendas of the State and the Market. The theoretical reference used is Fredian-Lancanian, with recourse also to other psychoanalytical authors, mentioning Slavoj i ek in particular / A Parada do Orgulho de Gays, Lésbicas. Bissexuais, Travestis e Transexuais de São Paulo, em pouco mais de 10 anos de existência, mostra-se ser atualmente a maior expressão do Movimento Homossexual Brasileiro. A imagem social da Parada Gay é expressa entre o discurso reivindicatório e o modelo lúdico da celebração, o que tem dividido a opinião pública e os militantes. A manifestação busca dar visibilidade à identidade sexual que cada categoria representa. Em 1999 foi criada uma Associação para organizar o evento e promover outras políticas de homo-inclusão, dentro do arcabouço das Políticas de Identidades. Esta dissertação buscou caracterizar o discurso da APOGLBT, articulando-o com o tema das Políticas de Identidade e, além disto, fazer uma crítica às Políticas de Identidade apresentando um contraponto pela psicanálise. Discutiremos como nos modelos das causas particulares arrisca-se excluir o sujeito e como a tomada da Identidade com estatuto de política muitas vezes reconstrói estereótipos (e novos preconceitos) e enlaça o Movimento às amarras do agenciamento do Estado e do Mercado. O referencial teórico utilizado é Freudo-Lacaniano, recorrendo também a outros autores psicanalistas, com destaque para Slavoj i e

The theme of this dissertation is reflected in its title and was written to capture this particular historical juncture in post-apartheid South Africa. It was inspired by a variety of factors, including the harsh historical experiences of the Indian population since their arrival as indentured labourers in 1860, the current reassertion of ethnic identities and widespread ethnically based conflicts throughout the world, and the minority rights campaign that is gaining momentum in Europe. The significance of the last point is that West European countries generally enjoy the status as trendsetters on social policy issues, and the rest of the developing world often tends to follow suit. In this respect, this dissertation attempts to illustrate how the views of the Indian minority on transformation, in between the 1994 and 1999 democratic general elections, have been influenced and shaped. Their experiences were important in ascertaining their perceptions and responses to transformation. Research was carried out in the Greater Durban Area across class boundaries, covering suburbs such as Reservoir Hills, Clare Estate, Asherville, Overport, Phoenix and Chatsworth. The outcome of this effort is contained in 229 pages consisting of ten chapters. It is viewed in the context of the circumstances that prevailed just before the county's first democratic general election of 27 April 1994, up to the period of the next general election of 2 June 1999. Of central concern here were the dynamics surrounding the inevitable transfer of power from the White minority to representatives of the Black majority, and how the smallest ethnic minority i.e. the people of Indian origin, were reacting to this process. Research was carried out on the issues about which respondents felt very strongly. These translated into chapters on the history of violence against Indians in South Africa, the widespread impoverishment that is overshadowed by the visibility of the Indian middle and upper classes, their perceptions of informal settlements, Indian priviledge versus African empowerment in the public transport sector in Durban, finding new schools, and emigration - viewed as a solution to some and a dream to others. / Thesis (Ph.D.)-University of Durban-Westville, 2000.