Class of 2017 Abstract / Objectives: To assess the change in efficiency and accuracy of the medication reconciliation process at the Pima County Adult Detention Center (PCADC) after implementation of a Health Information Exchange (HIE) and also to identify the percentage of patients whose medication data is available in the HIE Methods: This program evaluation was a retrospective comparison of the traditional self-reported method of medication reconciliation to the HIE method. It compared the number and types of medication discovered for each patient using the traditional medication reconciliation collection data (the self-reported method) and the new database query method (HIE method) Results: 200 samples were randomly selected (100 random detainees and 100 with known medical record in the HIE database) to participate in the study. A total of 150 patients (61%) were retrieved from the HIE database, of which 100 were from the control group and 50 from the random group. The total numbers of medications that these 150 patients contributed was 284. Mean completeness of self-reported medications was 54% while HIE yielded an average of 99% (χ2; p<0.0001). 9 patients (4%) had both self-reported medications and medications within the HIE database in which 17 medications (62%) compared to the self-reporting method with 14 medications (52%) sharing the same name. There were no medication dose matches between self-reported medications and HIE queried medications. Conclusions: The addition of an HIE database to the existing self-reporting process of collecting a detainee’s medication reconciliation provides a more comprehensive and accurate medical record

The aim of this study is to investigate and understand the current political situation in Bosnia and why it not has been improving. The failed democratic process and the country's current continuing problems are studied through factors that deal with the country's ethnic diversity and the problematic constitution after the Bosnian war which separates the country. In this paper, a case study is used as the method, and by applying a reconciliation theory about the reconciliation process in Bosnia, the analysis shows that politicians, religious leaders and citizens show large cooperation problems and are holding back a democratic development in the country. Constitutional democracy is also used as theory, and the analysis in this study shows that this form of democracy can work in Bosnia after a reconciliation process. The conclusion of this study means that reconciliation is very important and must be implemented because no democratic improvement can be done without it. If there is no reconciliation in future Bosnia, it is more likely that the country will separate in two or more parts and that Bosnia as a state will not survive when the conflicts between the different ethnic groups in the country is so great.

The present thesis explores the politics of reconciliation in post-genocide Rwanda by focusing on one of its little-studied aspects— the government-led project of ‘unity building.’ To uncover the type of unit(ies) that are actually produced (not just officially envisioned), the analysis operates at three interconnected levels— i) at the level of the discourse of unity and reconciliation (studying its proper logic in addition to the ways in which it is shaped/structured by other discourses, such as security or prosperity/development); ii) at the level of concrete strategies and policies; and finally iii) at the level of ‘enaction’ through a score of official (and purportedly ‘local’ and ‘traditional’) activities. Many of the activities considered here have received no in-depth study. The official activities are explored both in toto and through an in in-depth analysis of one key exemplar – the ingando camps – transitory and transient spaces of re-education/sensitisation and reintegration tailored for selected segments of the population. The thesis demonstrates the ways in which the process of kubaka ubumwe / unity-building is profoundly politicised. Detailed attention is paid to exposing the way in which i) political dynamics affect the very conception of ‘unity’ and ‘reconciliation;’ ii) the manner in which power and the state mould unity and reconciliation activities, determining what can be achieved through them (or not); and finally iii) the ways in which the government appropriates the whole unity-building process for other than stated aims. The research shows how unity is shaped to imply consent, homogeneity and non-dissension, thus serving specific governmentality goals in the highly controlling environment of the authoritarian state (producing docile and legible subjects). Furthermore, the thesis shows how the process of unity and reconciliation is subsumed to the broader social engineering project of the state aimed at shaping citizens’ ‘mentalities’ and at their transformation into ‘perfect development subjects.’

The concept transitional justice refers to a wide range of measures which are applied in times of political and societal transformation. Its starting point is a state of widespread and grave violations of human rights which is typical for undemocratic rules, for times of conflicts including both national and international, but it also existed within some of traditionally democratic countries such as Canada or New Zealand in a form of systematic discrimination against the indigenous population. The target of transitional justice measures is to establish democratic system which protects human rights and fundamental freedoms as a reliable guarantee of sustainable peace. Transitional justice is sometimes considered to fall within measures strengthening the rule of law however some steps such as vetting may temporarily deform the rule of law and equality of citizens before the law which is its integral part. International law regulates transitional justice measures by means of international humanitarian law, international human rights law and international criminal law. International criminal law, or more generally measures of criminal law nature, has been in modern history the primary response to breaches of human rights. Later, other measures were added including those of judicial and non - judicial...

Master of Arts / Department of Communication Studies, Theatre, and Dance / Soo-Hye Han / Many LGBT members are caught between two seemingly conflicting identities: their religious identity and their sexual identity as a homosexual. This study specifically examines how Christian LGBT individuals attempt to reconcile their identities. In order to uncover the lived experience of LGBT members, qualitative interviews were conducted with eleven members of the LGBT community. Using a thematic analysis, results indicate that 1) some LGBT individuals compartmentalize their sexual and religious identities through cost/benefit analysis and self-silencing and 2) others reconcile their two identities through broadening their concept of religion, emphasizing the relational connections with God, and distinguishing between Biblical literalists and God. Further, discussion of Spiral of Silence, Muted Group Theory, and Null Persona as the theoretical lenses are used to draw implications of these findings. This study seeks to open up dialogue concerning sexuality and religion in order to garner a more welcoming environment for LGBT Christians.

From the time of the "war on poverty" of 1964, to the era of "welfare reform" in 1990s, the federal welfare system underwent a change from a model that acted to protect citizens from the vagaries of the market economy to one that mandated their participation in the paid labor force. For a shift in policy of this magnitude to occur and be unquestioningly accepted by the public, a significant change also had to occur in how poverty and welfare issues were discussed and perceived over the intervening years. Using discourse analysis, this study examines how editorials in elite newspapers framed the issues of poverty and welfare in the months prior to the passage of the Economic Opportunity Act (1964) and the Personal Responsibility and Work Opportunity Reconciliation Act (1996). It also addresses how newspaper editorials influenced public perception about the nature and causes of poverty and welfare reliance.

A narrative qualitative research design was used to understand the journeys of three lesbians with Oneness Pentecostal backgrounds who have reconciled their religious beliefs with their sexual orientation. Three participants were selected who met the following criteria: (a) the participant is a lesbian female who (b) grew up in a Oneness Pentecostal church and (c) has reconciled being a lesbian with her religious beliefs, and who is (d) willing to discuss her outing process. These participants were interviewed. The interview questions were submitted to participants prior to the scheduled interviews. The interviews began with an open-ended inquiry. In answer to the research question, the three participants’ stories revealed that reconciliation journeys are unique and complicated. The motivation to embark on a journey of reconciliation of religious beliefs with sexual orientation stemmed from the participants’ same-sex attractions. Further motivators for the participants to explore and reconstruct religious beliefs were feelings of shame and guilt. The participants arrived at a place where they could no longer deny their feelings. As I read the participants’ stories, I analyzed the stories by utilizing the narrative therapy term of “re-authoring.” I found that the three unifying aspects of re-authoring in the participants’ stories were re-authoring religious beliefs, re-authoring definitions of family and re-authoring self. .

M.A. / The Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC) Act was passed in 1995 and the TRC started its hearings in 1996. The purpose of the TRC was to promote national unity and reconciliation by establishing as complete a picture as possible of the human rights violations that had occurred during the apartheid era and to offer reparations to those who had been affected, as well as to grant amnesty to those who had committed these human rights violations. The TRC had to appoint people to help carry out its functions and deliver a report about human rights violations. Most of the people employed by the TRC to help carry out these functions were South African. Furthermore every South African had been involved in the past in one way or another, purely by being a South African. In this project the author explores, analyses and interprets the experiences of some of the people who were employed by the TRC. The focus of this project is to find out whether being employed by the TRC and having to listen to the stories being brought to the TRC exposed anyone to the possibility of developing what is called secondary traumatisation. This kind of traumatisation is different from the traumatisation that the people relating the stories had gone through during the apartheid years. This kind of traumatisation is said to develop from being exposed to traumatised people.

Abstract This thesis is intended to explore the international relations of emerging nation-building in the Somali coast, with particular reference to the un-recognised Republic of Somaliland in the north-western Horn of Africa region. This study focuses on the international relations of Somaliland’s international quest for recognition, linked to its own culturally-rooted internal reconciliatory post-war nation-building efforts. Informed by written as well as first-hand research interviews, particular focus is placed in this study on the interplay of internal and external forces in shaping a strategy by Somaliland’s elites for acquiring international recognition and national selfdetermination. These are placed within the broader regional and international context of attempts to resuscitate the Somali state, an endeavour offering a fitting assessment of different modalities of African nation-building within the greater Somali environment. In relative analytic terms, the competitive international relations of nation-building in Somaliland and state reconstitution in southern Somalia informs the underlying hypothesis of this thesis: Somaliland’s example as a study in the efficacy of the internally-driven, culturally-rooted ‘bottom-up’ approach to post-war nation-building and regional stability, and the implications this holds for prioritising reconciliation between indigenous traditions and modernity in achieving stability in nation-building. By contrast, the internationally-backed ‘top-down’ approach to reconstituting a Mogadishu-based Somali state remains elusive. Yet, the international status quo regarding the affording of diplomatic recognition to what are normally considered secessionist ‘break-away’ regions of internationally recognised states, complicates Somaliland’s culturally rooted ‘bottom-up’ modalities. It also challenges the African Union (AU) during the ‘good governance’ era of the New Partnership for Africa’s Development (NEPAD), a context within which Somaliland fits comfortably as a good citizen of the international community. The international relations of the Somaliland nation-building enterprise is approached from a ‘quadrilateral framework’ of interactive elements to the Somaliland experience: Reconciliation, Reconstruction, Religion and Recognition. This framework informs the four core chapters of the thesis.

Indigenous knowledge systems are ―a body or bodies of knowledge‖ which Africans have survived on for a very long time (Mapara, 2010). This study intends to examine the various communicative and indigenous strategies that are employed by the Zimbabwean Ndebeles in issues of peace and conflict management. It is necessitated by the realisation that there is an increase in conflict in the region and country as a result of political and socio-economic challenges. The study adopts a bottom-up approach where conflict management becomes a process that starts from the grassroots going outward. This should also provide an opportunity to demonstrate that indigenous people are as sophisticated as every other society in dealing with their challenges (Warren, 1991). At the same time, it seeks to examine effectiveness of the indigenous and communicative conflict management strategies used by the Ndebele people. The study makes use of research questionnaires and interviews as well as descriptive and content analysis for data gathering and analysis respectively. The main theoretical concept guiding this study is ubuntu because it is considered best for Afrocentric approach to African studies. This is emphasised by Moyo and Lantern (2015:103) who state that ―... the philosophy of ubuntu should be the guiding philosophy in a Zimbabwe poisoned by ill-understood and often ill-digested ontological philosophies of individual rights that give rise to selfishness, violence, fragmentation and the sterile, barren philosophy of each man for himself‖ which continues to tear our society apart. The study focuses mainly on the Ndebele speaking communities in Silobela District of Zimbabwe. The study helps the nation in combating and addressing cases of conflict by ushering in the cultural dimension which is albeit not foreign in the worldview of the local people. This compliments all other efforts being made by the government to address socio-political challenges. By documenting (indigenous knowledge systems) that which has been otherwise ignored and side-lined for a long time, the study is part of an on-going process of mental decolonisation of the African people at the same time empowering them to face a globalising world with confidence and pride. / African Languages