Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2014. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This thesis deals with the nature and historical development of tourism and leisure activities that have been conducted within the Antarctic and sub-Antarctic regions from 1895 to present. First, it traces the brief history of human involvement with the Antarctic continent, which culminated in a surge of ostensibly scientific exploration with jingoistic overtones which has become widely known as the ‘Heroic Age’ of Antarctic exploration. These explorers’ adventures, taken up by the popular press and promoted by jingoistic governments, popularised a particular conception of the continent to the point where people imagined going to see it for themselves, vicariously reliving their heroes’ adventures in the form of tourism. The rise of formal governance on the Antarctic is then traced and used to explain how this provided for regular tourist activities to commence since the mid-1960s. The changing nature of tourism to the region is surveyed, as well as its impact on the environment. Finally, Marion Island, South Africa’s Sub-Antarctic Island, is discussed through the lens of tourism and leisure. Tourism has not been permitted on the island, so it offers a useful comparison with other sub-Antarctic islands that do allow tourists to visit. The thesis also deals with masculinity, as the Antarctic and sub-Antarctic were male dominated environments for the majority of human interaction with these regions. The thesis argues that the accumulation of knowledge in these areas by scientists has (perhaps counter-intuitively) led to the creation of the tourism industry, which would not have been able to flourish without the constant human presence secured by the scientific bases scattered around the Antarctic. Finally, this thesis offers a form of autoethnographic historical investigation, as an insider/outsider dichotomy (between “scientist” and “tourist”) was explored through embedded research, where scientists and support personnel are viewed as insiders on the one hand, and tourists are regarded as outsiders on the other. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie tesis handel oor die aard en historiese ontwikkeling van toerisme en ontspannings aktiwiteite wat binne die Antarktiese en sub-Antarktiese gebiede onderneem is vanaf 1895 tot die hede. Dit behandel eerstens die kort geskiedenis van menslike betrokkenheid op die Antarktiese vasteland, wat uitgeloop het op 'n oplewing van oënskynlik wetenskaplike eksplorasie met nasionalistiese konnotasies wat wyd bekend geword het as die ‘Helde Era’ van Antarktiese verkenning. Hierdie ontdekkingsreisigers se avonture, soos weerspieël in die populêre pers en bevorder deur nasionalistiese regerings, het 'n bepaalde opvatting van die vasteland gewild gemaak. Soveel so dat dit mense beweeg het om as toeriste die gebied te besoek en op die wyse hul helde se avonture te herleef in die vorm van toerisme. Die opkoms van die formele beheer van die Antarktiese vasteland word dan nagespeur en gebruik om aan te dui hoe dit teen die middel 1960’s tot aktiewe toerisme in die gebied aanleiding gegee het. Die veranderende aard van toerisme na die streek, sowel as die impak daarvan op die omgewing word ondersoek. Ten slotte, word Marion Island, Suid-Afrika se Sub-Antarktiese eiland bespreek deur die lens van toerisme en ontspanning. Toerisme word nie op die eiland toegelaat nie, wat hom leun tot 'n nuttige vergelyking met ander sub-Antarktiese eilande wat wel toerisme toelaat. Aangesien die meerderheid van die menslike interaksie met Antarktieka en die sub- Antarktiese eilande deur mans gedomineer is, handel die tesis ook oor manlikheid. Die tesis argumenteer dat die opbou van kennis in hierdie gebiede deur wetenskaplikes (miskien teenintuïtief) gelei het tot die skepping van die toerisme-bedryf, wat nie in staat sou gewees het om te floreer sonder die konstante menslike teenwoordigheid, wat deur die wetenskaplike basisse versprei oor die Antarktieka verskaf is nie. Ten slotte, bied hierdie tesis 'n vorm van ń etnografiese historiese ondersoek in die vorm van ń binnestaander / buitestaander teenstelling (tussen "wetenskaplike" en "toeris"), waar wetenskaplikes en ondersteunings personeel as binnestaanders, en toeriste, as buitestaanders beskou word.

Thesis (DPhil)--Stellenbosch University, 1973 / See Item for full text / Voorwoord: Omdat daar in die Suid-Afrikaanse Geskiedskrywing 'n groot leemte aan werke oor die ekonomiese geskiedenis bestaan, ek persoonlik baie in die geskiedenis van landbou in Suid-Afrika belangstel en daar nog feitlik geen argivale navorsing oor die geskiedenis van wynbou en wynhandel na 1795 gedoen is nie, het ek besluit om 'n verdere studie van laasgenoemde onderwerp te maak tot 1860. In hierdie jaar is die vryhandelsooreenkoms tussen Brittanje en Frankryk gesluit, wat meegebring het dat die voorkeurtariewe wat Brittanje in 1813 op Kaapse wyn ingestel he+, beeindig is. Die beeindiging van die voorkeurtariewe het tot 'n ineenstorting van die Britse mark vir Kaapse wyn, en daarmee ook die totale wynuitvoerhandel van die Kaapkolonie, gelei. Hiermee het die Kaapse wynboubedryf 'n kruispad bereik. Om hierdie redes vorm die jaar 1860 'n logiese afsluitingsdatum vir hierdie proefskrif.

Thesis (DPhil (History))—University of Stellenbosch, 2008. / This thesis presents, from the perspective of socio-environmental history, a case study in forced removals and their ramifications from 1905 to 1977. The focus area is a township called Lady Selborne in South Africa, near Pretoria, and Ga-Rankuwa, where some of those displaced were relocated. The thesis demonstrates that forced removals did not only result in people losing their historical land, properties and material possessions but also their sense of being and connectedness. The focus is thus on the changing perceptions of people in the midst of their land loss, an area of study that is generally under-examined in academia. The research provides a complex picture of the ramifications of forced removals on the former inhabitants of Lady Selborne. Lady Selborne was a “home”, a place for being human where the residents managed to engage in food production and owned properties in a multiracial area. Forced removals emanated from the National Party government’s desire to control African land ownership, and the manner in which land dispossession took place resulted in environmental injustice. This thesis applies theories of environment, power and injustice to explore how the people related to their environment and how that relationship was defined by class, gender and race. In Lady Selborne, black Africans were displaced from an area that was fertile, close to the city centre of Pretoria and relocated to infertile Ga-Rankuwa on the outskirts of the city. This resettlement resulted in many of those relocated being prevented from engaging in food production which was in turn an affront to Sotho-Tswana culture and religion with its emphasis on land as lefa: a bequest that has to feed its inhabitants. This thesis thus argues that successive governments (and many scholars) have downplayed black African environmental ethics, dismissing them as ‘superstition’. This mindset once resulted in forced removals and they in turn led blacks to disregard environmental issues. Ga-Rankuwa became degraded with litter, soil erosion and dongas, especially in the 1970’s, as people realised that there was no hope of returning to Lady Selborne. Environmental apathy emerged unconsciously as a response to forced removals. The thesis concludes by considering the idea of a ‘usable past’ and proposes that socio-environmental history can play a role in realising environmental justice.

Thesis (PhD)--Stellenbosch University, 2006. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This thesis deals with the history of the Berlin Missionary Society (BMS) that commenced their work in 1834 in South Africa. Due to financial reasons the ZuidAfrikaansche Zendinggenootskap (SASG), which coordinated missionary work in South Africa, requested the BMS to take over their activities at the missionary station Zoar in the Little Karoo. Their missionary work ofthe BMS rapidly extended to the neighbouring Amalienstein, then Ladismith, Anhalt-Schmidt (Haarlem), Riversdale, Herbertsdale, Mossel Bay, Laingsburg and Cape Town. Culturally and ethnologically, the field of work of the missionaries of the BMS in the northern provinces differed radically from that of their colleagues in the Western Cape. By 1838 the coloured communities of the Western Cape were already well acquainted with Western culture as well as with the Christian religion. This did not prevent the missionaries from applying a strict pietistic and patriarchal approach towards the coloured people they worked amongst. As the owners of the land on which these missionary stations were established, the missionaries laid down strict rules and regulations and were able to control the spiritual and material behaviour of the members of their congregations. Their approach had two important effects: The mlSSionanes, m emphasising the important role of education, opened doors to better living conditions for the various communities on a short term basis that eventually created socio-economic empowerment. On the other hand, it led to opposition from within these communities, which in later years would have a profound influence on the political mobilisation of the coloured population of the Western Cape. Financial problems and poverty became an integral part of the history of the BMS in the Western Cape- and for that matter, in South Africa. This was especially apparent during the first half of the twentieth century, when two world wars had a devastating effect on their work. The effects during this time on the BMS and the communities they served were two-fold: Due to financial constraints, the BMS increasingly handed over spiritual and educational work to local pastors and teachers. Secondly, the missionaries came to associate themselves with the rise of Afrikaner nationalism. Their low profile in opposing the developing policy of apartheid - and even tacit approval of it - not only led to a break with the committee in Berlin, but also to the estrangement of many of their church members. In 1961, the year in which a republican form of government was established in South Africa and the Berlin Wall was erected, the German Lutheran missionary societies amalgamated to form the Evangelical Lutheran Church of South Africa (ELCSA) and the traditional missionary work of the BMS came to an end. Compared with the missionary activities of the much larger Dutch Reformed Church in the Western Cape, the role of the BMS may seem less relevant. When the impact of the work of the missionaries and their dedicated coloured church members are considered, their contribution to education and human development, is far bigger than their numbers represent. This allows them a place in the history and development of the Western Cape with its cultural diversity. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie proefskrif handel oor die Berlynse Sendinggenootskap (BSG) wat in 1834 in Suid-Afrika begin werk het. Sendingwerk onder die gekleurde gemeenskappe van die Wes-Kaap het in 1838 toevallig begin toe die Zuid-Afrikaanse Zendinggenootskap (SASG) die BSG versoek het om weens finansiele redes die sendingbedrywighede by Zoar in die Klein Karoo oor te neem. Van hier af het die sendingaksie vinnig uitgebrei na die nabygelee Amalienstein en daama na Ladismith, Haarlem in die Langkloof, Riversdal, Herbertsdale, Mosselbaai, Laingsburg en Kaapstad. Kultureel en etnologies het die sendelinge in die Wes-Kaap se bedieningsveld radikaal verskil van die van hulle kollegas in die noordelike provinsies. Die gekleurde gemeenskappe van die Wes-Kaap was teen 1838 alreeds met die Westerse leefwyse en kultuur bekend en was ook reeds in kontak met die Christelike boodskap. Dit het die sendelinge in hierdie gebied - met hulle sterk pietistiese agtergrond - nie verhoed om 'n sterk en streng patriargale benadering ten opsigte van hulle gemeentelede te volg nie. Om woonverblyf op die sendingstasies te bekom moes lidmate van die BSG die reels en regulasies wat die sendelinge neergele het, streng navolg. Hierdeur kon die sendelinge beheer oor hulle gemeentelede se geestelike en materiele lewe uitoefen. Hierdie benadering het twee belangrike uitvloeisels onder die gekleurde gemeenskappe van die Wes-Kaap tot gevolg gehad. Eerstens het dit vir hierdie gemeenskappe opvoedkundige deure oopgemaak wat hulle lewenskwaliteite op korttermyn verbeter het en op 'n langer termyn hulle sosio-ekonomiese posisie verbeter het. Tweedens het dit egter ook tot weerstand gelei waarin die stem van hierdie gemeenskappe vir die eerste keer gehoor is en wat in later jare 'n beduidende invloed op die politieke toekoms van hierdie gemeenskappe sou he. Finansiele probleme en armoede het soos 'n goue draad deur die geskiedenis van die BSG in die Wes-Kaap geloop. Dit was veral die geval gedurende die eerste helfte van die twintigste eeu toe twee Wereldoorloe 'n verwoestende effek op die genootskap se werksaamhede gehad het. Dit het twee belangrike uitvloeisels tot gevolg gehad: Eerstens was die genootskap gedwing om geestelike en opvoedkundige werk al hoe meer aan gekleurde werkers oor te laat- wat op sigself 'n bemagtigingsproses tot gevolg gehad het. Tweedens het die sendelinge van die BSG hulle al hoe meer met opkomende Afrikaner nasionalisme - en dus die ontplooiing van apartheid - vereenselwig wat nie alleen 'n breuk met die komitee in Berlyn tot gevolg gehad het nie, maar ook met hulle gekleurde gemeentelede wat aan die ontvangkant van rassesegregasie en diskriminasie was. Teen die einde van 1961, wat saamgeval het met die oorgang na 'n republikeinse staatsvorm in Suid-Afrika en die oprigting van die Berlynse Muur, het die verskillende Duitse Lutherse sendinggenootskappe saamgesmelt om die Evangeliese Lutherse Kerk van Suid-Afrika (ELKSA) te vorm en het die tradisionele sendingwerk van die BSG in Suid-Afrika tot 'n einde gekom. Gemeet aan die omvang van die werksaamhede van 'n kerkgenootskap soos die NG Kerk in die Wes-Kaap, veral tydens die twintigste eeu, mag die rol van die BSG gering voorkom. Op die langtermyn gesien is die invloed van die Berlynse sendelinge (en hul nageslag wat hulle permanent in Suid-Afrika gevestig het), asook die bruin lidmate van die BSG, in hierdie streek buite verhouding groot; veral ten opsigte van onderwys en opvoeding. Hiermee verdien die Berlynse Sendinggenootskap 'n staanplek in die ryk skakering van die W es-Kaapse geskiedenis.

Thesis (PhD)--Stellenbosch University, 2001. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: During the course of the 20th century the press played an absolutely crucial role as a source of information, a medium of communication and propaganda, educator, critic, public watchdog and in forming and influencing opinion. In this respect the press may also be regarded as a reflection of South African society. This study investigates the role that the press played and the influence that it exercised in the political and economic mobilisation of the organised labour movement during the period 1908 to 1924. In view of the racial divisions that have prevailed in South Africa, the focus here is specifically on the white labour movement, because it was this manifestation of the organised labour force that virtually dominated the first few decades of the twentieth century. During this time the black labour movement was still to a large extent under-developed and began to emerge only around the 1920s. Organised labour flourished during the period under review. This period is characterised as one of political turbulence, as well as of large scale and serious industrial unrest, as part of the cathartic process in which the relationship between the state and its subjects in the field of labour took shape. The study adopts as its point of departure the year 1908, when the National Convention began its deliberations on the unification of South Africa, which in turn led to the official founding of the South African Labour Party in October 1909. The Labour Party operated independently until 1924, when the alliance between the National Party and the Labour Party won the election held in that year and formed the Pact coalition government. From an economic point of view there were two clear positions. On the one hand, there were the so-called establishment press organizations. These included Afrikaans-language newspapers, although - because of their ethnic commitments - they were strongly in favour of the protection of the economic position of the Afrikaner workers. On the other hand, there were anti-capitalist press organisations that wished to promote proactive steps in favour of the workers, which in tum often resulted in industrial conflict in the form of strikes. These tensions in the economic terrain spilled over into the political sphere elections, and here too the press played a central role in the often tense relationship between state and subject. In order to understand a meaningful analysis of the social role of the press, the following press organs and study materials were selected: The Star was the mouthpiece of the powerful Witwatersrand gold-mining industry. Die Burger and Ons Vaderland played a great role in the political and economic mobilisation of the Afrikaner working class whose sympathies lay with the National Party. The following labour-orientated and socialist papers reflected and interpreted the political and economic points of view of the labour movement in the period 1908 - 1924: Voice of Labour, The Worker, The Eastern Record, The Evening Chronicle, The War on War Gazette, The International, The Labour World, The Bolshevik and The Guardian. In addition, the role of a number of extremist strike newspapers In mobilising workers during the strikes of 1913, 1914 and 1922, is also investigated. The press played an important role in exposing a number of cardinal issues that dominated the discourse within the labour movement to greater public criticism and discussion. The effect of this was to raise the struggle between labour and capital for hegemony in the political and economic life of South Africa - as happened every time during election campaigns - to the level of the national political debate. Furthermore, the press, and specifically the right-wing labour and left-wing socialist press organs, also reflected the deep ideological divisions in the labour movement. In this respect, it was particularly the views of these press organs on race and the place of black people in the industrial dispensation that determined and influenced their political creeds. The mobilising power of the press was vividly illustrated by the strike papers. By propounding militant extremism these papers often succeeded in sweeping up industrial unrest among workers to the level of violence, which meant that the authorities were compelled to suppress these publications by means of martial law proclamations. It is probable that the SALP, and especially the socialist organisations, on the periphery of the political spectrum, would not have survived for long in South African politics without the communicative support of their mouthpieces. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Gedurende die 20ste eeu het die pers, as bron van inligting, kommunikasie- en propagandamedium, opvoeder, kritikus, openbare waghond en meningsvormer en -beihvloeder, 'n uiters belangrike samelewingsrol vertolk. In hierdie opsig kan die pers ook as 'n weerspieeling van die Suid-Afrikaanse samelewing beskou word. Hierdie studie ondersoek die rol wat die pers gespeel het en die invloed wat dit as openbare memngsvormer met betrekking tot die politieke en ekonomiese mobilisasie van die georganiseerde arbeiderbeweging gedurende die tydperk 1908 tot 1924 uitgeoefen het. Gegewe die historiese rasseverdeeldheid in Suid-Afrika, is daar spesifiek op die blanke arbeiderbeweging gekonsentreer, aangesien dit die arbeidsterrein gedurende die eerste paar dekades van die twintigste eeu feitlik oorheers het. Die swart arbeiderbeweging was in daardie stadium nog grootliks onderontwikkeld en het eers om en by die twintigerjare begin ontwaak. Die betrokke tydperk was 'n tydperk van hoogbloei VIr die georganiseerde blanke arbeiderbeweging. Dit word veral gekenmerk as 'n tydperk van politieke onstuirnigheid, asook van groot en ernstige endemiese nywerheidsonrus en konflik, as dee 1van 'n katarsis waardeur die verhouding tussen staat en onderdaan op die arbeidsterrein uitgekristalliseer het. Die vertrekpunt van die studie is 1908, toe die sittings van die Nasionale Konvensie met die oog op die unifikasie van Suid-Afrika 'n aanvang geneem het en ook aanleiding gegee het tot die amptelike stigting van die Suid-Afrikaanse Arbeidersparty in Oktober 1909. Dit strek tot 1924, toe die verkiesingsalliansie van die Nasionale Party en die Arbeidersparty die oorwinning by die stembus behaal en die Pakt-koalisieregering gevorm het. Vanuit 'n ekonomiese oogpunt gesien, was daar twee duidelike stellingnamens. Enersyds was daar die sogenaamde establishment-persorgane. Hieronder ressorteer ook Afrikaanstalige koerante, alhoewel hulle as gevolg van 'n etniese verbondenheid sterk ten gunste van die beskerming van die ekonomiese posisie van die Afrikanerwerkers was. Andersyds was daar anti-kapitalistiese persorgane wat 'n pro-aktiewe optrede ten behoewe van die werkers, wat dikwels op nywerheidskonflik in die vorm van stakings uitgeloop het wou bevorder. Hierdie gespannenheid op ekonomiese terrein het oorgespoel na die politieke sfeer van verkiesings en ook daarin het die pers, in die dikwels gespanne verhouding tussen owerheid en onderdaan, 'n sentrale rol gespeel. Ten einde 'n sinvolle ontleding van die samelewingsrol van die pers te kon doen, is die volgende persorgane as studiemateriaal geselekteer: The Star was die mondstuk van die magtige kapitalistiese, Witwatersrandse goudmynindustrie. Die Burger en Ons Vaderland het 'n groot rol in die politieke en ekonomiese mobilisasie van die Nasionaalgesinde Afrikanerwerkersklas vervul. Die volgende arbeider- en sosialistiese blaaie het die politieke en ekonomiese uitgangspunte van die arbeiderbeweging in die tydperk 1908 tot 1924 weerspieel en vertolk: Voice of Labour, The Worker, The Eastern Record, The Evening Chronicle, The War on War Gazette, The International, The Labour World, The Bolshevik en The Guardian. Daarby is ook die mobiliseringsrol wat 'n aantal ekstremistiese stakersblaaie in die stakings van 1913, 1914 en 1922 gespeel het, ondersoek. Die pers het 'n belangrike rol gespeel om 'n aantal kardinale kwessies, wat die diskoers binne die arbeidergeledere oorheers het, ook aan groter openbare kritiek en bespreking bloot te stel. Sodoende is die stryd tussen arbeid en kapitaal om die hegemonie van die Suid-Afrikaanse politieke en ekonomiese lewe byvoorbeeld telkens tydens verkiesingsveldtogte tot die nasionale debat verhef. Daarbenewens het die pers, spesifiek by monde van die regse arbeider- en linkse sosialistiese persorgane, ook die diepe ideologiese verdeeldheid in arbeidergeledere weerspieel. In hierdie opsig was dit veral hulle rassebeskouings en die posisie van die swart man in die nywerheidsbestel wat die politieke credo van hierdie persorgane bepaal en befuvloed het. Die mobiliseringsmag van die pers is treffend dem stakerblaaie gemustreer. Dem militante ekstremisme te verkondig, kon sodanige blaaie dikwels daarin slaag om nywerheidsonrus onder werkers tot die vlak van geweld op te sweep sodat die owerheid dan genoop was om hierdie publikasies dem middel van Krygswetproklamasies te onderdruk. Synde op die periferie van die politieke spektrum, sou die SAAP, en veral die sosia1istiese organisasies, sonder kommunikatiewe ondersteuning van hulle spreekbuise waarskynlik slegs 'n kortstondige politieke bestaan in die Suid-Afrikaanse politiek gevoer het.

Thesis (PhD)--Stellenbosch University, 2012. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This thesis narrates and analyses the experiences of a sample of South Africans who were captured during the Second World War. The research is based on oral testimony, memoirs, archival evidence and to a lesser degree on secondary sources. The former prisoners-of-war (POW) who participated in the research and those whose memoirs were studied were all captured at the Battle of Sidi Rezegh in November 1941 or during the fall of Tobruk in June 1942. The aim of the research is to present oral and written POW testimony in order to augment the dearth of knowledge regarding South African POW historical experience. The scope of the research includes the decision to volunteer for the Union Defence Force, the experiences in North Africa, capture and initial experiences in the so-called ‘hell camps of North Africa’, the transportation to Italy and life in the Italian prison camps, events surrounding the Italian Armistice and the consequent escape attempts thereafter. For those POWs who did not escape, the experience of captivity continued with transport to Germany, experiences in German camps, including working in labour camps and the Allied bombing campaign. Lastly, the end of the war and the experience of liberation, which in most cases included forced marches, are dealt with before the focus turns once again towards South Africa and the experience of homecoming and demobilisation. The affective and intellectual experiences of the POWs are also investigated as their personal experience and emotions are presented and examined. These include the experience of guilt and shame during capture, the acceptance or non-acceptance of captivity, blame, attitudes towards the enemy and towards each other, as well as the experience of fear and hope, which was especially relevant during the bombing campaign and during periods when they were being transported between countries and camps. The thesis concludes with an analysis of the POW experience which looks at aspects relating to identity among South African POWs. The final conclusion is drawn that the POW identity took precedence over national identity. As a result of the strong POW identity and their desire for complete freedom and desire to claim individuality, the POWs did not, on the whole, display great interest in becoming involved in South African politics after the war even though many of them strongly disagreed with the Nationalist segregationist ideologies that claimed increasing support between 1945 and 1948. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie tesis beskryf en ontleed die ervarings van dié Suid-Afrikaners wat tydens die Tweede Wêreldoorlog gevange geneem is. Die navorsing is gebaseer op mondelinge getuienis, memoires, argivale bewysmateriaal en, in ’n mindere mate, op sekondêre bronne. Die voormalige krygsgevangenes wat aan die navorsing deelgeneem het en wie se memoires bestudeer is, is almal in November 1941 by die Geveg van Sidi Rezegh of in Junie 1942 met die val van Tobruk gevange geneem. Die doel van die navorsing is om mondelinge en skriftelike getuienisse van krygsgevangenes aan te bied ten einde die gebrekkige kennis ten opsigte van Suid-Afrikaanse krygsgevangenes se historiese ervaring uit te brei. Die omvang van die navorsing sluit die besluit in om vrywillig diens te doen vir die Unie-verdedigingsmag, die ervarings in Noord-Afrika, gevangeneming en eerste ervarings in die sogenaamde “helkampe van Noord-Afrika”, die vervoer na Italië en lewe in die Italiaanse gevangeniskampe, gebeure rondom die Italiaanse wapenstilstand en die daaropvolgende ontsnappingspogings. Vir die krygsgevangenes wat nie ontsnap het nie, het die ervaring van gevangenskap voortgeduur deur vervoer na Duitsland, ervarings in Duitse kampe, waaronder strafkampe, en die bombarderings deur die Geallieerdes. Ten slotte word aandag gegee aan die einde van die oorlog en die ervaring van vryheid, wat in die meeste gevalle gedwonge marse behels het, voordat die fokus terugkeer na Suid-Afrika en die ervaring van tuiskoms en demobilisasie. Die affektiewe en intellektuele ervarings van die krygsgevangenes word ook ontleed, aangesien hul persoonlike ervarings en emosies ondersoek en aangebied word. Dit sluit die ervaring van skuld en skaamte tydens die gevangeneming in, die aanvaarding of nie-aanvaarding van gevangeskap, blaam, houdings teenoor die vyand en mekaar, sowel as die ervaring van vrees en hoop, wat veral belangrik was gedurende die bombarderingsveldtog en vervoer tussen lande en kampe. Die tesis sluit af met ’n ontleding van aspekte wat verband hou met identiteit onder die Suid- Afrikaanse krygsgevangenes. Die bevinding is dat die krygsgevangene-identiteit voorrang geniet het bo die nasionale identiteit. Verder het die sterk drang na volkome vryheid en die begeerte om hul individualiteit terug te kry daartoe gelei dat die voormalige krygsgevangenes na die oorlog oor die algemeen ’n ambivalensie jeens Suid-Afrikaanse politiek openbaar.

No abstract available. / Thesis (Ph.D.)-University of Natal, Durban, 1985.

No abstract available. / Thesis (Ph.D.)-University of Natal, Durban, 1993.

No abstract available. / Thesis (Ph.D)-University of Natal, 1989.

This study is a gendered historical analysis of the legal administration of Indian Immigrants in British Colonial Natal in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. By focusing primarily on the attempts of the Natal Government to intervene in the personal law of especially indentured and ex-indentured Indians, this thesis presents an analysis of the role that gender played in the conceptualization and promulgation of the indentured labour scheme in Natal, and in the subsequent regulation of the lives of Indian immigrants in the Colony. It traces the developments in the administration of Indian women, especially, from the beginning of the indenture system in colonial Natal until the passage of the Indian Marriages Bill of 1907 and attempts to contextualize arguments around these themes within broader colonial discourses and debates, as well as to examine the particularity of such administrative attempts in the Natal context. This study observes the changing nature of 'custom' amongst Indian immigrants and the often simultaneous and contradictory attempts of the Natal colonial administration to at first support, and later, to intervene in what constituted the realm of the customary. Through an analysis of legal administration at different levels of government, this analysis considers the interactions of gender and utilitarian legal discourse under colonialism and, in particular, the complex role of Indian personal law and the ordinary civil laws of the Colony of Natal in both restricting and facilitating the mobility of Indian women brought to Natal under the auspices of the indentured labour system. / Thesis (M.Soc.Sc.)-University of KwaZulu-Natal, 2005.