Dissertation (PhD)--Stellenbosch University, 2001. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Dr. A.L. Geyer's appointment in June 1950 as the Union's new High Commissioner to London was largely due to the political objectives of the then government. He was confronted by a number of related challenges, i.e. the furthering of the existing multifaceted South-African-British relations, the promotion of the apartheid policy and convincing the Union's critics as to the merits of the above policy. Geyer, a loyal Afrikaner and staunch republican, experienced soon after arrival that the policy of apartheid and the Union Government's insistence on the transfer of the High Commission territories were placing the existing diplomatic relations under considerable strain. To Geyer's frustration the Union Government failed to realise that the application of the apartheid policy 'was affecting South Africa's foreign relations detrimentally. The effect of the Union's domestic policies was therefore prohibiting any possibility of the transfer of the British-controlled neighbouring territories. Geyer was thus faced with maintaining a delicate balance between white-centred aspirations in South Africa, championing South Africa's interests overseas and his own evolving perspective that the application of the apartheid policy was not going to be acceptable to the outside world. Geyer was also well aware that the Cold War would contribute substantially to the constitutional liberation of the former British colonies in Africa, which in turn would affect the composition of the Commonwealth and South Africa's future membership. He therefore took Union politicians to task for actions that were geared to satisfy short-term party-political expectations, without taking into account both the national and international ramifications of such actions. Geyer did not differ fundamentally with the principles and objectives of apartheid; however, he was no stereotyped Afrikaner who simply supported apartheid without any questioning. In his public appearances he emphasised the historical, cultural and sociopolitical motivation for apartheid, the practical embodiment of the policy and the rights and role of the whites in South Africa. He portrayed apartheid as a political model that envisages equal, but separate development for all races that would ensure the peaceful co- existence of a multi-racial community. Geyer continuously emphasised that only visible and positive results emanating from the application of apartheid, would guarantee acceptance of the policy and also secure the future of the white population in South Africa. Geyer was therefore very critical of the government's inability to give meaningful content to the policy of apartheid. Geyer's biggest personal disappointment was the inability of his mentor and friend, Dr. D.F. Malan, to rise above the role of the party politician in becoming a competent Minister of Foreign Affairs and as Prime Minister, a statesman of international stature. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Politieke oogmerke het daartoe gelei dat die Unieregering vir dr. A.L. Geyer in Junie 1950 na Londen gestuur het as die Unie se nuwe Hoë Kommissaris. Hy is deur verwante uitdagings gekonfronteer, naamlik om die veelvlakkige Suid-Afrikaans-Britse betrekkinge uit te bou, om die apartheidsbeleid te bevorder en om die kritici van die Unieregering te oortuig dat daar geregverdigde meriete in die beleid is. Geyer, 'n lojale en republikeinsgesinde Afrikaner, het na sy aankoms ervaar dat die Unieregering se apartheidsbeleid en die volgehoue aandrang om die oordrag van die Hoë Kommissariaatgebiede, toenemende diplomatieke spanning tussen die lande veroorsaak het. Tot Geyer se frustrasie kon die Unieregering nie insien dat die toepassing van die apartheidsbeleid direkte invloed uitoefen op Suid-Afrika se buitelande betrekkinge nie, wat weer die oordrag van die Brits-beheerde gebiede onmoontlik gemaak het. Geyer moes gevolglik 'n delikate balans handhaaf tussen die blanksentriese verwagtinge in die Unie, die bevordering van Suid-Afrika se belange in die buiteland en sy groterwordende perspektief dat die toepassing van die apartheid nie vir die buitewêreld aanvaarbaar is nie. Geyer was ook terdeë daarvan bewus dat die Koue Oorlog, die grondwetlike ontvoogding van Brittanje se Afrika-kolonies sou verhaas, wat weer beduidende implikasies vir die samestelling van die Statebond en die Unie se voortgesette lidmaatskap ingehou het. Hy het Unie-politici dus gewaarsku teen optredes wat daarop toegespits was om korttermyn partypolitieke verwagtinge te bevredig, sonder om die nasionale en ook internasionale implikasies van die uitsprake te verreken. Geyer het geen fundamentele verskille met die beginsels en oogmerke van apartheid gehad nie, maar terselfdertyd was hy ook nie 'n stereotipe Afrikaner en naprater van apartheid nie. In sy optredes het hy deurentyd die historiese, kulturele en sosio-politieke beweegredes vir apartheid, die beliggaming van die beleid en die blanke se aanspraak op en rol in Suid-Afrika beklemtoon. Apartheid is voorgehou as 'n politieke model wat ten doel het om deur middel van gelykwaardige, maar afsonderlike ontwikkeling die ruimte te skep vir die vreedsame voortbestaan van 'n veelrassige gemeenskap. Geyer het groot erns daarvan gemaak om te beklemtoon dat die aanvaarding van die apartheidsbeleid en die blanke se voortbestaan in Suid-Afrika nou verbind word aan die positiewe en sigbare gevolge van die toepassing van apartheid. Geyer het dit dan ook nodig gevind om kritiek uit te spreek oor die regering se klaarblyklike onvermoë om daadwerklike inhoud aan positiewe apartheid te gee. Die grootste persoonlike teleurstelling wat Geyer egter beleef het, was sy ontnugtering dat sy mentor en vriend, dr. D.F. Malan, nie sy rol as partypolitikus kon ontgroei en ontwikkel in 'n bekwame minister van Buitelandse Sake en 'n Eerste Minister wat 'n staatsman van internasionale statuur is nie.

Thesis (PhD)--Stellenbosch University, 2014. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Architecture is a complex concept, and as such many factors contribute to its creation. These factors include geographical, economical and climatological aspects, but above all architecture is formed by the specific times, circumstances and lifestyle of the creator. The human being, with his background, ideas and values, shapes and influences the architecture surrounding him, and is also shaped and influenced by it. Therefore, when the lives and opinions of people are radically changed, it follows inevitably that their way of architectural expression will also change. There are marked differences between domestic buildings erected during the Victorian period in England and South Africa. English domestic buildings consist of long uniform terraced rows of two or more storeys, while freestanding single-storeyed houses are the norm in South Africa. A large percentage of English buildings are built with unfinished bricks (sometimes stone), while the bulk of South African buildings are finished in plaster. The general roofing material for Victorian houses in South Africa, namely corrugated iron, are not used on English houses at all. English roofs are most often covered in slate tiles. The very elaborate wood and/or cast-iron decorative elements so typical of the Victorian style in South Africa are largely absent in England, and most English buildings also do not have an architectural element comparable to the South African veranda. All styles which occurred in England during the Victorian period are termed Victorian, but in all cases it refers to the period, not the style. Although in South Africa other styles from the Victorian period are sometimes also referred to as Victorian, a clearly distinguishable style with unique characteristics developed at the end of the nineteenth century in South Africa. This style came to be known as Victorian. This study investigates the underlying reasons for the differences which exist between the Victorian architecture of England and South Africa. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Argitektuur berus op 'n komplekse basis, en as sodanig is daar talle faktore wat tot die skepping daarvan aanleiding gee. Hierdie faktore sluit onder meer in geografiese, ekonomiese en klimatologiese aspekte, maar bowenal word die argitektuur geskep deur die spesifieke tydsgees, agtergrond en leefstyl van die skepper daarvan. Die mens, met inbegrip van sy agtergrond, idees en waardes, vorm en beïnvloed die argitektuur wat hom omring, en word self ook daardeur gevorm en beïnvloed. Wanneer die lewens en sienings van mense dus verander, volg dit vanselfsprekend dat hulle argitektoniese uitdrukkingsvorme ook sal verander. Woonhuise wat tydens die Victoriaanse periode in Suid-Afrika opgerig is, verskil opvallend van dié in Engeland. Engeland se woonhuise bestaan uit lang aaneengeskakelde rye huise (terraces), wat oor twee of meer verdiepings strek, terwyl enkelverdieping alleenstaande geboue die norm in Suid-Afrika is. Geboue in Engeland vertoon ook 'n opvallende uniformiteit wat in Suid-Afrika ontbreek. 'n Groot persentasie Engelse geboue is van ongepleisterde baksteen (soms klip) gebou, terwyl Suid-Afrikaanse geboue oorwegend afgepleister is. Die algemene dakmateriaal vir Victoriaanse huise in Suid-Afrika, naamlik sinkplaat, word glad nie op Engelse huise gebruik nie. Die oordadige versieringselemente uit gietyster en/of hout wat so tipies van die Victoriaanse styl in Suid-Afrika is, is grootliks afwesig in Engeland, en die meeste Engelse geboue het ook nie 'n bou-element wat vergelykbaar is met 'n Suid-Afrikaanse stoep nie. Alle style wat in Engeland tydens die Victoriaanse periode voorgekom het, word Victoriaans genoem, maar in alle gevalle word die tydperk bedoel, en nie die styl nie. Hoewel daar in Suid-Afrika ook soms na ander style van die Victoriaanse periode as Victoriaans verwys word, het daar teen die einde van die negentiende eeu 'n eiesoortige styl met unieke kenmerke in Suid-Afrika ontwikkel wat as Victoriaans bekend staan. Hierdie studie ondersoek die dieperliggende redes vir die verskille wat tussen die Victoriaanse argitektuur van Engeland en Suid-Afrika bestaan.

No abstract available. / Thesis (M.A.)-University of Natal, Durban, 1978.

The Second World War marked the point at which South Africa stood at a crossroads between the segregation which came before it and apartheid that came after. Over the past twenty years social historians have placed greater focus on this particular period of the Second World War in South Africa's history. This thesis takes this research as its starting point but moves beyond their more specific objectives (evident in the research on the war and medical services) to explore the South African experience of race and gender and, to some extent, class during the war and the immediate post-war era. This thesis has accorded this some importance due to the state's attempts, during and after the war, to control and mediate the war experience of its participants as well as the general public. Propaganda and war experience are thus key themes in this dissertation. This thesis argues that the war and the upheaval it wrought allowed for a re-imagining of a new post-war South Africa, however tentatively, that departed from the racial and gendered inequality of the past. This thesis traces the way in which the exodus of white men to the frontlines allowed white women to take up new positions in industry and in the auxiliary services. Similarly for the duration of the war black men — and women - were able to take advantage of the relaxation of influx control laws and the new job opportunities opening up to move in greater numbers to the urban areas. As this thesis has shown, black men were able to take advantage of the opportunity to prove their loyalty by enlisting in the various branches of the Non-European Army Services. This allowed them to work alongside white men and was integral in their demands for equal participation which signified equal citizenship. The way in which the war has been remembered and commemorated as well as the expectations and silences around the potential for liberation which the war symbolised for many South Africans, has been largely unexplored. This was pardy due to the memorialisation of the war taking on a private, personal and hence, hidden aspect. This thesis examines this memorialisation in its broadest sense, particularly as it applies to black men, their families and their communities. The thesis concludes by arguing that, by 1948, the possibilities for a new South Africa had been closed down and would remain so for almost fifty years. The Second World War was relegated to personal memory and public commemoration as the "last good war", a poignant reminder of a vision of equality which was not to be. / Thesis (Ph.D.)-University of Kwazulu-Natal, Durban, 2006.

In April 1994 Rwanda encountered the most gruesome political conflict, which was widely motivated by decades of ethnic tension, and resulted in the massive participation of ordinary Hutus slaughtering Tutsis, who are a minority along with the so-called moderate Hutus. Large numbers of ordinary Rwandans became killers, some willingly and some by force. About one million Rwandans, mostly Tutsis, lost their lives during the killings. Hence this historic event was declared to be genocide. The post-genocide government of Paul Kagame has been faced with the mission not only to reconcile the nation but also to forge a justice system that will assure Rwandans and those who committed crimes of genocide and crimes against humanity will be punished appropriately. It is outmost important to note that emphasis on justice in cases such as Rwandan genocide might be seen to be most desirable to victims in particular. This idea can be more dangerous particularly if the process takes place in an atmosphere which is characterised by political environment which is oppressive and autocratic. Realising the complexity of the conflict and inability of the conventional justice system to in dealing with the massive cases of people alleged to have participated in the killings or committed crime of genocide. The victims impatiently sought not only justice but answers to what has happened to their loved ones. On the other hand those labeled as perpetrators also wanted to clear their names since some of them believed that they were wrongfully accused and the process was taking too long. The Rwandan government was left with no option and decided to reintroduce the traditional justice system called the Gacaca. The Gacaca system was not only pioneered to render justice to the victims and those wrongfully accused but to reconcile as well as bring peace to the Rwandan society. This study is therefore aimed at providing a comprehensive and compelling explanation of the process and the operations of the Gacaca tribunals. Thus by means of both historical and empirical analysis, the study hopes to determine the challenges confronting the system and the promise it holds, if any, and to recommend the need to adopt and adapt to an approach which is wider and more integrated in dealing with reconciliation in the region. To accomplish this study, data was predominantly sourced from primary sources such as media reports and personal interviews with Rwandan community living in Durban, South Africa. The study revealed that the Rwandan genocide was marked by overwhelming public participation which makes Rwandan conflict even more complex. Killing was seen as work, as well as fulfilling the country's duty. On the other hand not killing was viewed as betrayal especially for thousands of peasants. Almost the entire population took part in the killings. The Gacaca is a unique approach of trying genocide perpetrators adopted in Rwanda. In this thesis I argue that it is through examination of different historical and social factors that the relevance of the Gacaca can be assessed. Furthermore my argument is that Rwanda needs a multi-faceted approach to confront complex problems that it faces politically and socially. / Thesis (Ph.D.)-University of KwaZulu-Natal, Durban, 2008.

This dissertation is an historical examination of the crimes of infanticide and the concealment of birth in Natal between 1860 and 1935, where more than thirty such cases were tried before the Supreme, Magistrate, and District Circuit Courts. This study does not look at the crime of infanticide and concealment of birth in isolation, however, but also considers the crime in relation to cases of „child murder,‟ still-births, and abortion, since the term infanticide itself was highly contested and only fully defined in legal terms in South Africa by 1910. Some of the key themes this study covers include the ways in which legislation changed over time (for instance, the concept of “concealment of birth” altered to “infanticide” and the naming of the potential perpetrator from “woman” to “person.”); the problems posed for medical jurisprudence in trying to prove a separate existence of an infant from its mother; and whether a „live birth‟ had occurred before a charge could be proffered. In Natal, it is clear that legislation shaped interpretation and practice, but practice and interpretation, across many social and institutional settings, also shaped legal definitions. Other arguments raised in this study relate to the “instability of the womb” and how puerperal insanity and emotional or psychological mental evidence began to outweigh the physical, bodily evidence in the courtroom. Furthermore, such issues as illegitimacy, baby-farming, infant life protection, mothercraft, miscegenation, incest, respectability, and local cultural practices are integral to understandings of the possible underlying motives for the acts of infanticide and concealment of birth. By tracing the meaning and incidences of infanticide and the concealment of birth across the social spectrum, this study offers insights into a range of issues in social, legal and medical history. These include: the study of the domain of the family; of labour and political economy; of medico-jurisprudence and clinical medicine; of changing gender power and hierarchies; and of gendered discourses of criminality / Thesis (Ph.D.)-University of KwaZulu-Natal, Durban, 2011.

In 1880 a group of 31 Trappist monks arrived in South Africa for the first time. Two years later they founded the now famous Mariannhill mission in the vicinity of Pinetown, west of Durban. The purpose of this thesis is to trace the history of the Mariannhill mission, with particular reference to its contribution to African education. The thesis examines the policies of education at Mariannhill schools, and aims to illustrate the fact that despite the invaluable contribution that missionaries made to African education, their achievements were often marred by their usual practice of subordinating education to religious concerns. The study covers the period between 1882, when Mariannhill mission was established, and 1915, when St. Francis College came into being. The intended aims and goals of the missionaries at Mariannhill will be outlined, their obstacles investigated and their overall success and failure assessed. / Thesis (M.A.)-University of Natal, Durban, 1993.

This dissertation analyses the history of the politics of pollution and petroleum refining in South Africa during the first decade of Apartheid, focusing on the country's first two oil refineries, both of which were built by multinational oil companies in Durban in the 1950s and 60s. It traces the origins of the development of environmental regulation in relation to oil refinery pollution. The dissertation outlines the development of a sense of disillusionment caused by the persistence of pollution problems associated with petroleum refining in the face of failed attempts at technological and expert interventions. The study identifies the existence of a civic culture amongst Bluff residents founded on ratepayer and landowner identities, through which they were able to exercise considerable purchase on the local State. Ultimately, the story of how two petroleum refineries ended up in the midst of residential communities in south Durban's represents a reiteration of the importance of race to the development of local urban landscapes during Apartheid. / Thesis (M.A.)-University of KwaZulu-Natal, Durban, 2004

This thesis posits that the experiences and emotional strain associated with being a domestic servant gave rise to a culture of anger and violence within the ranks of Indian Domestic Servants in Colonial Natal during the period 1880 to 1920. These acts of violence, in particular physical and indecent assault and poisoning are explored here not in admiration of their brutality, but for their historical relevance to the study of Indenture, more specifically in the area of servant-master/mistress relations. The study uses these crimes as a window into the social dynamics of the settler home and domestic space in Colonial Natal, since they were created within their own set of orchestrating emotions and situations. The thesis draws on international and local literature around master/mistress-servant relations as well as relations between domestic slaves and the owners of their labour at the same time in other regions of the world. The findings of this thesis contribute to the historiography of South Africa; to the historiography of Indian South African life; to the historiography of servantmaster/mistress relationships; to the analysis of the complex intermingling of private and public labour and lives bound up with this labour form, both in past moulds and in its present form; and to the growing literature on the linkages between utilizing analysis of legal institutions and legal records in researching and writing the history of South African lives. Most importantly however, this thesis is the story of ordinary men and women whose lives, cultures, individualities and histories intersected with the domestic and colonial nexus. / Thesis (M.A.)-University of KwaZulu-Natal, Durban, 2005

This dissertation is concerned with the public life of Frederick Robert Moor during the period 1893 to 1903. Moor served as Secretary for Native Affairs during the first ten years of responsible government in Natal in the ministries of Sir John Robinson (1893 - 1897), Harry Escombe (1897) and Alfred Hime (1899 - 1903). His policy towards the Africans and his handling of specific issues that faced the Native Affairs Department are examined. This study shows that the political nature of his office and his responsibility to the White electorate influenced his determination of policy and its implementation. Control was the key-note of Moor's policy and continuing in the tradition of the Native Affairs Department he believed that the tribal system and customary law were the best means of effecting this control. He therefore opposed anything that threatened this system such as the system of exemption from customary law which freed Africans from tribal control. This desire to protect the traditional system of government as well as his paternalism explains Moor's reluctance to allow Africans to appeal against the decisions of the lower courts to the higher courts or to permit the employment of lawyers by the Africans in the courts that administered customary law. Moor was opposed to granting the franchise to Africans even though he realised that he, as Secretary for Native Affairs, could not adequately represent their interests. He was also against alienating land in freehold to the Africans. Moor's policy made it impossible for him to find a place in his system for those Africans who wanted to shake off traditionalism and he found it difficult to handle the specific problems faced by them. Moor's location policy was motivated primarily by the desire to control the Africans and this was made more urgent with the spread of the Ethiopian movement. Yet he wished also to improve the Africans ability to support themselves and for this reason he initiated irrigation projects. Moor wanted to bring the mission reserves under the control of the government in the same way as the locations and in achieving this he caused tension between the government and the missionaries. No study of the relations between African and White in colonial Natal can exclude the labour issue. Moor had an individual approach to the labour question but was constantly torn between the demands of the colonists for cheap and abundant labour and his obligations to the Africans. He is revealed as being sympathetic to the position of the Africans. His unwillingness to prevent African labour in Natal from going to the Transvaal and his appOintment of J.S. Marwick to see to the interests of these Africans in the Transvaal were controversial. By 1903 Moor had acquired considerable experience as Secretary for Native Affairs and had formulated his policy. Despite his good intentions his policy succeeded in sowing the seeds of dissatisfaction amongst the Africans. The Africans appreciated his honesty but were critical of his failure to deal with specific issues such as the improvement of their educational facilities. Moor did not have to deal with an uprising in this period but three years after he left office the storm broke over Natal and Moor's responsibility for this is briefly discussed. Moor returned to the government in 1906 as Prime Minister and Minister for Native Affairs but this is outside the scope of this dissertation. / Thesis (M.A.)-University of Durban-Westville, 1980.