Thesis (MA (History))--University of Stellenbosch, 2010. / This study intends to investigate a facet of the race relations of the town of Stellenbosch within the context of state ideology and the reaction of the various local communities towards these policies. Against various internal and external forces, certain alliances were formed but these remained neither static nor constant. The external forces of particular concern within this study are the role of state legislation, Municipal regulations and political activism amongst the elite of the different racial groups. The manner in which the external forces both mould and are moulded by identity and the fluid nature of identifying with certain groups to achieve particular goals will also be investigated. This thesis uses the case study of the Muslim Communities of Stellenbosch to explain the practice of Islam in Stellenbosch, the way in which the religion co-existed within the structure of the town, how the religion influenced and was influenced by context and time and how the practitioners of this particular faith interacted not only amongst themselves but with other “citizens of Stellenbosch”. Fundamental to these trends is the concept of “belonging”. Group formation, affiliation, identity, shared heritage and history as well as racial classification – implemented and propagated by both political discourse and communal discourse - is located within the broader context of Cape history in order to discuss commonalities and contrasts that existed between Muslims at the Cape and those in Stellenbosch.

Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2012. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: There are moments in history where the threat of Satanism and the Devil have been prompted by, and in turn stimulated, social anxiety. This thesis considers particular moments of ‘satanic panic’ in South Africa as moral panics during which social boundaries were challenged, patrolled and renegotiated through public debate in the media. While the decade of the 1980s was marked by successive states of emergency and the deterioration of apartheid, it began and ended with widespread alarm that Satan was making a bid for the control of white South Africa. Half-truths, rumour and fantasy mobilised by interest groups fuelled public uproar over the satanic menace – a threat deemed the enemy of white South Africa. Under P. W. Botha’s ‘total onslaught’ rhetoric, a large sector of white South Africa feared total ‘moral onslaught’. Cultural guardians warned against the satanic influences of popular culture, the corrupting power of materialism, and the weakening moral resolve of the youth. Others were adamant that Satanists sought to punish all good, white South Africans with financial ruin and divorce in their campaign to destroy white South Africa. From the bizarre to the macabre, the message became one of societal decay and a youth that was simultaneously out of control. While influenced by the international Satanism Scare that swept across the global West during the 1980s and early 1990s, this thesis argues that South Africa’s satanic panics reflected localised anxieties as the country’s social borders changed over time. While critically discussing the concept of the ‘moral panic’ and its analytical value in historical study, this thesis further argues that these moments of moral panic betray the contextually specific anxieties surrounding the loss of power and shifts in class and cultural solidarity. In so doing, this thesis seeks to elucidate the cultural changes in South Africa between 1976 and 1993 by highlighting the social, temporal and geographic boundaries which were contested and renegotiated through the shifting discourse on Satanism. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Daar is oomblikke in die geskiedenis toe die bedreiging van Satanisme en die Duiwel deur sosiale angstigheid aangespoor is en dit ook verder gestimuleer het. Hierdie tesis neem bepaalde momente van ‘sataniese paniek’ in Suid-Afrika – waartydens sosiale grense deur publieke debat in die media uitgedaag, gepatrolleer en heronderhandel is – in oënskou as oomblikke van morele paniek. Terwyl die 1980s gekenmerk is deur agtereenvolgende noodtoestande en die agteruitgang van apartheid, het dit begin en geëindig met wydverspreide verontrusting dat Satan poog om beheer oor wit Suid-Afrika te verkry. Halwe waarhede, gerugte en fantasie, gemobiliseer deur belangegroepe, het publieke onsteltenis oor die sataniese gevaar aangehits – = vyandige bedreiging vir wit Suid-Afrika. In samehang met PW Botha se ‘totale aanslag’ retoriek, het = groot deel van wit Suid-Afrika ook = ‘totale morele aanslag’ gevrees. Die kultuurbewakers het gewaarsku teen sataniese invloede op populêre kultuur, die sedebederwende mag van materialisme en die verflouing van morele vasberadenheid onder die jeug. Ander was oortuig daarvan dat Sataniste daarop uit is om alle goeie, wit Suid-Afrikaners deur finansiële ondergang en egskeiding te straf in hulle veldtog om wit Suid-Afrika te vernietig. Van die grillige tot die makaber, die boodskap was een van sosiale agteruitgang en = jeug wat terselfdertyd buite beheer was. Alhoewel Suid-Afrika beïnvloed is deur die heersende internasionale sataniese verskrikking wat gedurende die 1980s en die vroeë 1990s, dwarsdeur die globale Weste gevind is, voer hierdie tesis aan dat die Suid-Afrikaanse sataniese paniek, soos die sosiale grense in Suid-Afrika verskuif het, gelokaliseerde angs gereflekteer het. Buiten die kritiese bespreking van die konsep van die ‘morele paniek’ en die analitiese waarde daarvan, argumenteer hierdie tesis verder dat hierdie momente van morele paniek konteks-spesifieke angs blootlê, paniese angs wat met die verlies van mag en veranderings in klas- en kulturele samehorigheid saamhang. Hierdeur beoog die tesis om kulturele veranderinge in Suid-Afrika tussen 1976 en 1993 toe te lig, deur te fokus op die sosiale, temporale en geografiese grense wat deur die verskuiwende diskoers oor Satanisme betwis en heronderhandel is.

Thesis (MA (History))--University of Stellenbosch, 2006. / Since the twenties the dynamic disposition of white and Coloured human relations was remarkably influenced by specific political, social and economic phenomena and change. In the social life a healthy mutual relationship prevailed. Particularly in the town centre of Stellenbosch white and Coloured residents lived side by side in undisturbed harmony. Within this rather enclosed town society, both religious and educational institutions played a vital role in the colligation and cementation of peaceful white and Coloured co-existence. Apart from this, fixed political thoughts revolving around the maintenance of “white superiority” and the supposition of “Coloured inferiority” became a severe handicap for the constancy of the relations over the long term. During the thirties economic depression, radical political ideologies and particularly an enduring tendency towards racial separation – or segregation, also made inroads into Stellenbosch. White residents mostly embraced segregation as an attempt to safeguard and maintain white control whereas most Coloured people rejected it outright. In 1938 the influence of Afrikaner nationalism and the Great Trek centennial further stimulated the political consciousness of the towns’ people. As a result of increased tension between the different groups in Stellenbosch and the social impact of the outbreak of the Second World War the entire town community became divided between two irreconcilable camps. Together with this political division, internal racial friction mounted and became inevitable. In July 1940, this racial friction reached its pinnacle when a severe town riot between white students and Coloured people erupted. Historically this was one of the most tragic events in the history of Stellenbosch. Thereafter the white and Coloured relations gradually improved despite the ongoing poor socio-economic conditions of Coloured people and the continuation of segregation at the end of the war in 1945.

Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 1992 / ENGLISH ABSTRACT:The aim of this study was to compile a description of the life and contribution of Stephanus Petrus Erasmus, eastern frontier pioneer and Voortrekker. Secondly, Erasmus has been set against the background of the problems of the frontier farmers of the north-eastern frontier wards, Brak River and Kraai River in the years 1825 - 1837. Stephanus Erasmus was christened as the surname child of Daniel Elardus and cat.har-dria Elisabeth Erasmus in April 1788. In 1804 or 1805 Daniel Erasmus moved from the Graaff-Reinet district to the Swellendam district. Here Stephanus Erasmus married Maartje Wilhelmina Zacharia Kruger in 1812. At least ten children were born out of this marriage, while a second marriage to Anna Maria Neethling produced a daughter. Erasmus moved to the Beaufort district in 1821. From 1822 1824 he -'resided in the Graaff-Reinet area, and from 1825 he settled in the new district of SomersetEast. Like many of the other frontier farmers, this frontier pioneer probably participated in the northeastern migration for economical and geographical reasons. Erasmus played a leading role in this district in the capacity of provisional field cornet for Brak River. From 1835 he was field cornet for the new ward of Kraai River where he settled on the farm Mooiplaats. As a respected leader, Erasmus was fully aware of the administrative neglect of the north-eastern frontier wards. The progressive destabilisation of these wards, as well as the conflict between groups of black refugees this the uncertainty regarding dissatisfaction with frontier farmers, contributed insecurity. The question of for concern to Erasmus and his The their and the north-eastern towards the feeling of landownership was a cause fellow pioneer farmers. issue contributed to British government. Like many other frontier farmers, Stephanus Erasmus came into conflict with the authorities with regard to the treatment of his slaves. To make matters worse, a murder charge was brought against him after he had shot and killed a black man in the execution of his duties as field cornet. In 1836 Erasmus went on a hunting expedition in the direction of the Vaal River. During this expedition the Ndebele of Mzilikazi ambushed them on 21 August 1836 and two of Erasmus's sons were killed. Two days later Erasmus took part in the Vaal River battle. Erasmus then returned to the Colony from where he emigrated by the middle of 1837. As the leader of his own trek he held the office of commandant. It appears that he was a distinguished and revered Voortrekker leader. He was, for example, one of the six commandants at the battle of Blood River, and was in a leadership position during the battle of the White-Mfolozi. As a citizen of the Republic of Natal, Erasmus played a leading role in public life. He was a member of the Volksraad as well as a member of the Council of Landdros and Heemrade. After Britain had annexed Natal, Erasmus moved to Winburg and Potchefstroom. In 1845 he went to Ohrigstad where he died in February 1847. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING:Die doel van hierdie studie was om 'n beskrywing van die lewe en bydrae van Stephanus Petrus Erasmus, oosgrenspionier en Voortrekker, te gee. Tweedens is Erasmus geplaas teen die agtergrond van die probleme van die grensboere van die noordoostelike grenswyke, Brakrivier en Kraairivier, in die jare 1825 - 1837. stephanus Erasmus is in April 1788 gedoop as 'n kind van Daniel Elardus en Catharina Elisabeth Erasmus. Teen 1804 of 1805 het Daniel Erasmus van die distrik Graaff-Reinet na die distrik Swellendam verhuis. Stephanus Erasmus is in die distrik in 1812 met Maartje Wilhelmina Zacharia Kruger getroud. uit hierdie huwelik is minstens tien kinders gebore, terwyl nog In dogter uit 'n tweede huwelik met Anna Maria Neethling gebore is. Erasmus het in 1821 na die distrik Beaufort verhuis. Van 1822 1824 was hy in die distrik Graaff-Reinet woonagtig. Sedert 1825 het Erasmus hom in die nuwe distrik Somerset-Oos gevestig. Soos sy mede-grensboere het die grensboerpionier waarskynlik vanwee ekonomiese en geografiese redes aan die noordoosmigrasie deelgeneem. In die distrik het Erasmus In belangrike leiersrol vervul as provisionele veldkornet van Brakrivier en sedert 1835 as veldkornet van die nuwe wyk Kraairivier. Daar het hy hom op die plaas Mooiplaats gevestig. As In gerespekteerde leiersfiguur sou Erasmus deeglik kennis neem van die administratiewe verwaarlosing van die , noordoosgrenswyke. Die toenemende destabilisasie van die noordoosgrenswyke en die konflik tussen groepe swart vlugtelinge en die noordoosgrensboere het tot die gevoel van onveiligheid bygedra. Die reg op grondbesit het Erasmus en sy mede-grensboere na aan die hart gele en onsekerheid rondom hierdie kwessie het tot toenemende ontevredenheid teenoor die Britse regering gelei. Soos talle ander grensboere het Stephanus Erasmus met die regering gebots as gevolg van die behandeling van sy slawe. Om sake te vererger is 'n moordaanklag teen hom aanhangig gemaak nadat hy 'n swartman in die uitvoering van sy pligte as veldkornet doodgeskiet het. In 1836 het Erasmus 'n jagtog in die rigting van die Vaalrivier onderneem. Hiertydens het die Ndebele van Mzilikazi op 21 Augustus 1836 'n verrassingsaanval op sy j agkamp geloods en is onder andere twee van Erasmus se seuns gedood. Hierop het Erasmus twee dae later aan die Vaalrivierslag deelgeneem. Daarna het Erasmus eers na die Kolonie teruggekeer en teen die middel van 1837 het hy geemigreer. As leier van sy eie trek het hy die amp van kommandant beklee. Dit blyk dat hy 'n vername en gewaardeerde Voortrekkerleier was. Hy was byvoorbeeld een van die ses kommandante by die slag van Bloedrivier en ook in 'n leiershoedanigheid tydens die slag van die Wit-Mfolozi. As burger van die Republiek van Natal het Erasmus 'n leiersrol in die openbare lewe gespeel. Hy was naamlik Volksraadslid en lid van die Raad van Landdros en Heemrade in Natal. Na die Britse anneksasie van Natal het die ou Voortrekker na Winburg en Potchefstroom verhuis waarna hy in 1845 na ohrigstad getrek het. Hier is Erasmus in Februarie 1847 oorlede.

Thesis (MA (History))--University of Stellenbosch, 2007. / Genadendal furniture was made in the small Moravian mission settlement of Genadendal (situated in the Overberg area of the Western Cape) during the late 18th and early 19th centuries. Genadendal furniture not only illustrates the impact that the immigration of Europeans had on the development of a unique Old Cape furniture tradition, it also emphasises the influence that a specific world view or philosophy of life had on the design and manufacture of furniture. The origins of the old Unitas Fratrum can be traced back to the late 14th century in ancient Moravia and Bohemia (today part of the Czech Republic). This mission society came to South Africa due to the missionary zeal of the Renewed Moravian Church, which was renewed mostly through the efforts of the German Earl Nicolaus von Zinzindorf. As exponent of Radical Pietism this society accepted the task of worldwide missionary work. By the end of the 18th century there were already more than 18 Moravian mission stations scattered all over the world. One of the most prominent characteristics of the Moravian church was the importance attached to the fellowship of the faithful, and the social organisation resulting from it. Everything in the Moravian community was done to signify the equality of all people before God, expressed by standardised dress, traditions and social organisation. They functioned as independent, self-sufficient communities. Various trades and workshops were established in these communities to further the ideal of self-sufficiency. The missionaries from Europe were all qualified artisans, and they trained members of their communities in the various trades. The pervading spirit of independence equipped these artisan missionaries extremely well to transplant the Moravian furniture styles and traditions to South Africa. Genadendal furniture bears silent witness to the Moravian obsession with simplicity and quality. This furniture style with its simple, straight lines formed part of the Neo-Classical style popular at the Cape at the time.

Thesis (MA (History))--University of Stellenbosch, 2009. / Although the environment is of obvious and primary importance in agriculture, the historical relationship between agriculture and the environment has not been widely researched. A socio-environmental paradigm provides a useful, inter-disciplinary framework for writing history. It takes into account the fact that ‘natural disasters’ are not merely happening to farmers, governments and communities, subsequently disturbing economic growth-patterns and reverberating amongst policy-makers and politicians. The relationship is much more reciprocal. The environment is not perceived as a player that sometimes disrupts the historical narrative, forcing the plot in a certain direction before returning to the wings. It is rather percieved as an agent within agricultural history. The social-cultural as well as material relationships between people (in this case white farmers), state and the environment are explored as an ecosystem. The thesis focuses on a time period after the First World War to just after the Second World War (c.1920 – c.1950). It asks questions: whom and what has informed the ideas of the state with regards to agriculture and to what extent did it filtered through to the farming communities themselves? The motives behind these approaches are explored. The thesis will also look at how officials translated the policies, legislation and education into what was perceived as functional for the farmers and effective for the environment, tracing how it changed over time. The shifting perception of the farmers about the environment and themselves, and the role of the state played in ‘management’ of the environment are analysed, using press correspondence, marketing campaigns and popular texts. Two themes that garnered much debate in the agricultural sector at the state, farmer and environment interface, include the ‘disasters’ of soil erosion and locust plagues. On the level of ‘scientific agriculture,’ the shift from Europe as a point of reference to the United States is discussed. This is done against the backdrop of South Africa’s semi-arid landscape and how farmers came to grips with this ostensibly hostile environment in an era where mechanisation and urbanisation are thought to have radically altered the conceptualisation of the natural environment.

Thesis (MA (History))--University of Stellenbosch, 2007. / The Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC) may be described as one of the most important events in the recent South African past. The TRC’s activities included an examination of gross human rights violations between 1960 and 1994, as well as amnesty hearings for those believed to be guilty of human rights violations. In addition, the TRC had to decide on the possibilities for reparations to victims, and had to compile a comprehensive report on the nature of the abovementioned violations. This process was shrouded in controversy. For example, criticism was levelled at the TRC because of the perception that it was intended as a witch-hunt against Afrikaners. The danger of subjectivity was also mentioned often. How was the public kept up to date about the activities of the TRC? The media played an important role in the distribution of information to those who could not readily attend the various hearings of the TRC.

Thesis (MA (History))--University of Stellenbosch, 2006. / In the case of the Anglo-Boer War masculine military history has attracted scholars, as has the suffering and martyrdom of female internees in the concentration camps. Conspicuously overlooked by scholars are the wartime plights of black women and privileged white women. The focus of this study are those white females who remained outside of the camps. Some such women staked their claim to history by keeping diaries of their wartime experiences. Two in particular, Isabella Lipp and Nonnie De la Rey, chronicled opposing sides of the conflict. Their testimony is studied here both descriptively and comparatively. Because the challenges of war provoked differing responses, adjunct to Nonnie and Isabella’s journals are the diaries of Alida Badenhorst, Elizabeth Henrietta Martyn (Bessie) Collins and the unpublished notes of Florence Burgers—daughter of the Transvaal’s second president. All these women were privileged and hence advantaged but they also struggled daily for survival and responded proactively. Mrs. Isabella Lipp, wife of a prominent banker, recorded her perception of the war from a cramped third-floor apartment in Johannesburg. Very much in tune with the ideological aspects of war, she wanted imperialism upheld even amidst the unfair cruelty that she witnessed. Nonnie De la Rey, wife of General Koos De la Rey, fled the enemy and lived on the open veld. Her life was not as monotonous or lonely as Isabella’s. Had the consequences been less decisive this may have been an exciting adventure. What emerges from these sources, which are representative of white women of society, is a surprising female response to wartime conditions. That response included the sadness, struggle and toil that might be expected, but, significantly, it also included remarkable resilience—manifested in a variety of ways in the face of momentous circumstances. The forgoing findings contribute to the war’s social/gender history by including “people without history” within the written historical record.1 Women displayed a unique reliance and bond between themselves and their black workers; domestic duties and roles were completely disrupted; and the constant anxiety and lack of news about loved ones caused acute family distress. Did women snivel submissively, waiting to be rescued by men? Were they victims of circumstances thrust upon them? Did they succumb to the Victorian model of female fragility? My findings offer evidence to the contrary.

Thesis (MA (History))--University of Stellenbosch, 2007. / Throughout the history of South Africa, the Afrikaners have been described as a "strange society". Calvinism was a key to their lifestyle and ideology and they saw themselves as God's special instruments. Their political philosophy of separate development was to a certain extent, revolutionary and was known as "apartheid". This was an attempt to remake a society according to a socio-political ideal which was rooted in the concept of safety in power. This thesis investigates the Afrikaners with regard to their primal ancestors, the origin of their identity, their identity during the reign of the NP government and their identity in the post apartheid South Africa. Discrepancies concerning Afrikaner identity during this time are also investigated. In this thesis special emphasis is placed on the right-wing actions of the Afrikaners, their political development from the time of separation from the NP which arose from the conviction that the leaders of this party were deviating from the moral and political prescriptions of their predecessors, their ideals and visions of freedom. The right-wing tends to qualify the term “nationalism” with the term “Christian” and they therefore believe that their nationhood is widely ordained. Culture, for the right-wing means an inclusive concept which covers every aspect of their lives. Language, i.e. Afrikaans, is seen as the verbal and written expression of their national culture. This study is directed towards the right wing of Afrikaners' quest for a "volkstaat" (state nation) and specifically the foundation of Orania in the Northern Cape and investigates whether it is a viable option for Afrikaners in general to live. The right-wingers believe that the only feasible constitutional option for peace in South Africa lies in partition The origin of the volkstaat idea , the early thoughts and the development of this concept are also investigated as well as the different models and role players. The main aim of this thesis is to investigate the success of Orania as a possible growing point of a "volkstaat" for Afrikaners. The early stages in the development of this small town e.g. the purchase, their efforts in achieving autonomy, their constitutional rights, their efforts in developing their community as well as their image to the outside world are investigated. During a visit to Orania in 2005 questionnaires were handed out to residents in order to compose a social profile and to investigate domicile statistics as well as views on Afrikaner identity. Ultimately this thesis indicates that although Orania functions successfully in most instances the possibility of it serving as a growing point of a “volkstaat” needs a much larger effort and larger support from other Afrikaners.

Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2000. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: In the early 1970s the National Party government under B.l Vorster experienced serious problems due to its policy on the Coloured population. Issues concerning the mutual relations between the population groups came strongly to the fore and the government's policy of separate development was subject to widespread and severe criticism. The period 1970-1974 is generally regarded as a time of change in South Afiica due to international and foreign pressures. South Afiica's position in the international community deteriorated dramatically and attitudes towards the Republic became increasingly hostile in the rest of the world. Furthermore, the Vorster government was confronted with two opposing schools of thought within the party itself, the so-called verligtes and the verkramptes. During the 1970s the political decision-making processes became entangled in a continuous struggle between the enlightened wing of the National Party, the so-called Cape Liberals, and a more conservative element, the verkramptes of the Transvaal. Race relations issues and the government's Coloured policy in particular were often the source of contention. In March 1973 Vorster appointed a Commission of Enquiry into Matters Relating to the Coloured Population Group. It was chaired by prof Erika Theron, formerly professor in Social Work at the University of Stellenbosch. The Theron Commission, as it became known generally, consisted of twenty members, six of whom were Coloureds. The Commission had to investigate the following: the progress made by the Coloured population group since 1960 in the social, economic and constitutional spheres as well as in the fields of local management, culture and sport; constraining factors in the various fields that could be identified as sources of contention; and any other related matters. The Theron Commission's report was tabled in parliament three years later on 18 June 1976. The Soweto riots that broke out two days before, however, forced news of the report out of the newspapers and caused its influence to be largely dissipated. The Theron report contained a number of recommendations that were directly in conflict with the government's apartheid policy and were hence not acceptable to the government. Consequently, the government - by way of an interim memorandum and a later white paper - rejected those recommendations that affected the core of its apartheid policy. The recommendations included the repeal of the Mixed Marriages Act (Act 55 of 1949) and Section 16 of the Immorality Act (Act 23 of 1957), two of the cornerstones of the policy of apartheid. Recommendation No. 178, in which the commission recommended direct representation for Coloureds at the various levels of government, was also rejected by the government. The potential influence of the Theron Commission's report to influence change was thus firmly nipped in the bud. The government's reaction caused bitter disappointment among the Coloured population as well as enlightened Whites and at the same time fuelled the conflict between the verligtes and the verkramptes. It also ensured intensified criticism from the opposition parties, especially the United Party. Yet the recommendations of the Theron Commision's report played a prominent role in the late 1970s and early 1980s, when the wheels of political change began to tum, and let to the tricameral parliamentary system of 1984 in which the Coloured population group was also represented. The Arbeidersparty of South Africa (APSA) - Ministers' Council, which was in control of the House of Representatives from 1984 to 1992, consistently endeavoured to negotiate a better social, economic and constitutional position for the Coloured population on the basis of the Theron Commission's report. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: In die vroeë sewentigerjare van die twintigste eeu het die Nasionale Party-regering, onder die bewind van BJ. Vorster, ernstige probleme ten opsigte van sy Kleurlingbeleid ondervind. Probleme rondom die bevolkingsverhoudingsvraagstuk het sterk op die voorgrond getree en die regering se beleid van afsonderlike ontwikkeling aan wydverspreide en hewige kritiek onderwerp. Die tydperk 1970-1974 word allerweë deur kritici beskou as 'n tydperk van verandering in Suid-Afrika vanweë toenemende binne- en buitelandse druk. Suid-Afrika se posisie binne die internasionale gemeenskap het drasties verswak en die buiteland het 'n vyandige gesindheid jeens die Republiek geopenbaar. Daarbenewens het die Vorster-regering gebuk gegaan onder twee botsende denkrigtings binne die partygeledere, die sogenaamde verligtes en die verkramptes. Die politieke besluitnemingsprosesse van die sewentigerjare was vasgevang tussen die verligte vleuel van die Nasionale Party, die sogenaamde Cape Liberals, en 'n meer konserwatiewe element, die verkramptes van Transvaal tussen wie daar 'n voortdurende stryd gewoed het. Die bevolkingsverhoudingsvraagstuk en die regering se Kleurlingbeleid was gereeld in die spervuur. In Maart 1973 het Vorster 'n Kommissie van Ondersoek na Aangeleenthede rakende die Kleurlingbevolkingsgroep aangestel. Die voorsitter was prof Erika Theron, voormalige hoogleraar in Maatskaplike Werk aan die Universiteit van Stellenbosch. Die Theronkommissie, soos dit algemeen bekend sou staan, is saamgestel uit twintig lede waaronder ses Kleurlinge. Die kommissie moes ondersoek instel na die volgende: die vordering van die Kleurlingbevolkingsgroep sedert 1960 op maatskaplike, ekonomiese en staatkundige gebied asook op die terreine van plaaslike bestuur, kultuur en sport; stremmende faktore op die verskillende terreine wat as knelpunte geïdentifiseer kon word; en enige verdere verwante sake. Die Theron-verslag is drie jaar later op 18 Junie 1976 in die parlement ter tafel gelê. Die Soweto-onluste wat twee dae tevore uitgebreek het, het egter die verslag van die persblaaie verdring en die invloed daarvan grootliks verlore laat gaan. Die Theron-verslag het aanbevelings bevat wat lynreg in stryd was met die apartheidsbeleid en wat nie vir die regering aanneemlik was nie. Gevolglik het die regering by wyse van 'n tussentydse memorandum en 'n latere witskrif daardie aanbevelings wat die kern van sy apartheidsbeleid aangetas het, afgekeur. Onder die aanbevelings was die herroeping van die Wet op die Verbod van Gemengde Huwelike (Wet No. 55 van 1949) en Artikel 16 van die Ontugwet (Wet No. 23 van 1957), twee van die hoekstene van die apartheidsbeleid. Aanbeveling No. 178, waarin die kommissie regstreekse verteenwoordiging vir die Kleurlinge op die verskillende owerheidsvlakke en in besluitnemingsprosesse aanbeveel het, is ook deur die regering afgekeur. Sodoende is die Theron-verslag se potensiële invloed tot verandering in die kiem gesmoor. Die regering se reaksie het bittere teleurstelling onder die Kleurlinge en die verligte blankes veroorsaak en terselfdertyd die fel stryd tussen die verligtes en die verkramptes aangewakker. Dit het ook toenemende kritiek komende van die opposisiepartye, veral die Verenigde Party, op die regering verseker. Die aanbevelings van die Theron-verslag het nietemin 'n prominente rol gespeel in die laat sewentigerjare en vroeë tagtigerjare toe die wiel van politieke veranderinge begin draai het en uitgeloop het op die Driekamerparlementstelsel van 1984 waarbinne die Kleurlinge ook verteenwoordig was. Die Arbeidersparty van Suid-Afrika (APSA) - Ministersraad wat sedert 1984 tot 1992 in beheer van die Raad van Verteenwoordigers binne die Driekamerparlement was, het hom voortdurend beywer om aan die hand van die Theronverslag, 'n beter sosiale, ekonomiese en staatkundige posisie vir die Kleurlinge te beding.