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Submitted by Renata Lopes (renatasil82@gmail.com) on 2016-01-28T09:38:45Z No. of bitstreams: 1 hyllonaderdearaujosalles.pdf: 5548356 bytes, checksum: a2f83197b608dcca12c758df72d8232a (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Adriana Oliveira (adriana.oliveira@ufjf.edu.br) on 2016-01-28T10:53:10Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 hyllonaderdearaujosalles.pdf: 5548356 bytes, checksum: a2f83197b608dcca12c758df72d8232a (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-01-28T10:53:10Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 hyllonaderdearaujosalles.pdf: 5548356 bytes, checksum: a2f83197b608dcca12c758df72d8232a (MD5) Previous issue date: 2014-01-17 / CAPES - Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / A descoberta e a crescente produção de ouro no Brasil a partir dos fins do século XVII provocou uma forte inflexão da economia não apenas na colônia mas em todo o império português. A Coroa se voltou para o Atlântico Sul, uma vez que o ouro arrastou para lá o eixo de gravidade econômica do império e os interesses da administração central. A virada do século XVII para o XVIII processou-se de forma critica, pois não foi possível para Portugal manter sua neutralidade na política externa, sendo arrastado para a Guerra de Sucessão Espanhola, alinhando-se assim com a Inglaterra em detrimento das pretensões Bourbon, o que fez com que os corsários franceses se atirassem sobre a América. Portanto, para o custeio do guarda-costas, a Coroa ordenou a taxação em dez por cento das mercadorias que dessem entrada no porto soteropolitano, isto é, a dízima da Alfândega. A presente pesquisa tem por objeto de estudo a dízima da Alfândega da Bahia: a primeira tentativa de estabelecê-la em 1711 e as desordens que se seguiram a esta tentativa; o seu efetivo estabelecimento em 1714 e os dois primeiros contratos da dízima da Alfândega arrematados para os triênios de 1723 a 1726 e o de 1727 a 1729. Do ponto de vista fiscal, no século XVIII, foi notável o crescimento exponencial da movimentação alfandegária e daquilo que podemos chamar do deslocamento do eixo de gravidade da praça de Salvador para o Rio de Janeiro, isto é, a preferência dos homens de negócio pela Alfândega carioca em detrimento da Alfândega de Salvador. Dessa forma, a presente pesquisa tem por objetivo estudar esse processo de deslocamento do eixo de gravidade econômica da praça de Salvador para a do Rio de Janeiro entre o ano de 1697 – data em que o ouro se avolumara nos portos metropolitanos – e 1731, tomado como ano em que este processo já se achava plenamente consolidado. / The discovery and increasing gold production in Brazil from the late seventeenth century caused a sharp turnaround of the economy not only in the colony but throughout the Portuguese empire. The Crown turned back to the South Atlantic since the gold led there the axis of economic gravity of the empire and the interests of the central government. The turn of the seventeenth century to the eighteenth occurred critically, as Portugal could not maintain neutrality in foreign policy, being dragged to the War of Spanish Succession, thus aligning itself with England to the detriment of Bourbon pretensions, which caused the invasion of French corsairs in America. Therefore, toward the cost of bodyguards, the Crown commanded taxation by ten percent of the goods that would enter the Salvador port, i.e., the tithe of Customs. The purpose of this research is to study the tithe of Customs of Bahia: the first attempt to establish it in 1711 and the disorders which followed this attempt; their establishment in 1714 and the first two contracts tithe of Customs auctioned for the triennium 1723-1726 and 1727-1729. From a fiscal point of view, in the eighteenth century, the exponential growth of customs handling and what we call the shift of economic gravity of the Salvador commercial square to the Rio de Janeiro was remarkable, i.e., the preference of business men by the Rio de Janeiro Customs the expense of the Salvador Customs. Thus, this research aims to study the process of displacement of the axis of economic gravity of the commercial square of Salvador to Rio de Janeiro from the year 1697 – date on which the amount of gold increased in metropolitan ports – and 1731, taken as the year in which this process was fully consolidated.

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A la fin de l'Ancien Régime le nord-est du Quercy est une région d'habitat dispersé dont le mas constitue le territoire de base. Les hommes y vivent d'une poly-agriculture traditionnelle. Une fiscalité accablante les assujettit aux pouvoirs englobants de la monarchie et des seigneuries, essentiellement ecclésiastiques. La thèse étudie le comportement de ces populations devant les prélèvements de la taille royale, des rentes seigneuriales et des dîmes. La description de la terre utilise les deux instruments que sont : les compoix communautaires et les terriers seigneuriaux. Faute de plan cadastral, une méthode originale est mise en œuvre pour représenter sous forme de graphes géoréférencés les parcellaires fonciers. La terre et les hommes sont ainsi mis en perspective dans des réseaux de proximités géographique, agraire et sociale. La recherche examine l'organisation des communautés d'habitants en face d'une administration étatique de plus en plus contraignante. De son côté, la seigneurie, forte du « complexum feudale », propriétaire éminente de la terre, prélève à l'intérieur des mas des rentes en nature en vertu des censives indivises et perpétuelles que les emphytéotes lui reconnaissent en échange de leur droit de propriété utile. Enfin, l'Eglise est un élément fédérateur et unificateur dans cette société, qui est encore à moitié protestante, au début du XVIIe siècle. Un vaste corpus démographique permet d'analyser le fonctionnement endogame de cette population qui pratique un système successoral inégalitaire. L'héritage de la terre constitue la seule richesse sur le long terme. Les stratégies de reproduction sociale des élites locales et des paysans sont abordées. / At the end of the « Ancien Regime » the mas (sive village) is the elementary territorial unit in the northeast of the Quercy province. Men in their estate are living from traditional farming. They suffer heavy taxes from the encompassing powers, the monarchy and the ecclesiastical lords. The thesis studies the behavior of the population in front of the different tax levies, property taxes, private incomes, tithes. As maps are not used at that time, the two types of archive documents for land registers, the « compoix » and the lord « terriers », are analyzed by an original method, using geographical referenced graphs. The soil and the human being are represented in geographic, agrarian and social networks. The research focuses on the communities of inhabitants confronted by the growing monarchic state. Consuls designed annually by the farmer's assemblies have the thankless task to collect the royal taxes, the « taille ». On another side the lords, using their property rights known as the « complexum feudale » takes off foodstuffs from the harvests. The church also plays a central role in that society where the beginning of the XVIIth century protestantism is still present. A large demographic corpus allows the study of that endogamous population which practices an unequal inheritance system. The land constitutes the only long term wealth and so directs the social reproduction strategy. The thesis considers how following the individualism growth, the rise of the population, the matrimonial diffusion, the society progressively becomes, on one side, free from the lord domination and on the other side, dutiful to the state power.

Submitted by Mario BC (mario@bc.ufrpe.br) on 2016-08-04T15:22:57Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Luanna Maria Ventura dos Santos Oliveira.pdf: 4178356 bytes, checksum: aaf7eebcacca182f5cb6a410a90e2e37 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-08-04T15:22:57Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Luanna Maria Ventura dos Santos Oliveira.pdf: 4178356 bytes, checksum: aaf7eebcacca182f5cb6a410a90e2e37 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-04-26 / This study aims to present the unknown history of the Customs in Pernambuco. Unknown because, when we think of Customs in the past, the only point that comes to mind is a reference to the Customs that was located in the building we now know as the Paço Alfândega Mall. The memories of the nineteenth century erased the traces of the ancient Customs of the eighteenth century, which once stood on the other side of Recife Antigo, specifically in the heart of Recife, near what we know nowadays as Marco Zero. It was the best situated townhouse in the village. It belonged to the Viceroy of India Earl of Sadomil and it was rented to the Fazenda Real. This research demonstrates how the Customs from the colonial period in Pernambuco became the cause of a conflict between local and metropolitan authorities to control the trade and consequently the taxation of the captaincy. We intend to explain how the tax apparatus was set up in the institution since the reimplementation of the tithe in the Customs in Pernambuco in 1711. This would be a 10% tax on the imported products that in 1724 was put together in a unique contract with the tithe in Paraíba. The first contract was purchased by a great trader from Praça de Lisboa, Jerome Lobo Guimarães. He never came to Pernambuco, but it was demonstrated through this research what his client networks were and how the taxes were collected. There were many conflicts involving the collection, which raised many suspicions and accusations of embezzlement and tax evasion during the processing of goods at Customs. Finally, we present the squabbles between local and metropolitan royal authorities; the religious of the Congregation of the Oratorians of St. Philip Neri and disputes regarding the location of the Customs in the town of Recife. This debate dragged on for a long time because some wanted the Customs to remain in the building of the Earl of Sadomil while others wanted it to be transferred to Forte do Matos, a place that would be today next to the Paço Alfândega Mall. However, this change came only a century later. / Neste trabalho, propomos construir uma história sobre a alfândega desconhecida de Pernambuco.1 As memórias do século XIX apagaram os rastros da antiga alfândega do século XVIII, que outrora se encontrava do outro lado do Recife Antigo, mais especificamente no coração da cidade do Recife, nas proximidades do que hoje conhecemos como Marco Zero. Era o sobrado mais bem situado da vila, pertencia ao vice-rei da Índia Conde de Sadomil e era alugado pela Fazenda Real. Com essa investigação, buscamos demonstrar como a Alfândega de Pernambuco do período colonial, tornou-se objeto de conflito entre as autoridades locais e metropolitas em relação ao controle do comércio e consequentemente da tributação da capitania. Procuramos explicar como se constituiu o aparato fiscal da instituição desde a reimplementação do imposto da dízima da alfândega de Pernambuco em 1711. Este seria um imposto de 10% sobre os produtos importados mais a junção do tributo da dízima de Pernambuco ao da Paraíba em um só contrato em 1724. O primeiro contrato foi arrematado por um grande comerciante da Praça de Lisboa, Jerônimo Lobo Guimarães. Ele nunca veio a Pernambuco, porém, demonstramos através dessa pesquisa quais eram suas redes clientelares e como viabilizavam a cobrança do imposto. Muitos foram os conflitos envolvendo a cobrança, o que levantou múltiplas suspeitas e provocou denúncias sobre descaminhos e sonegação durante o trâmite das mercadorias na alfândega. Por fim, apresentamos as querelas entre as autoridades régias locais e metropolitanas; os religiosos da congregação dos Oratorianos de São Felipe Néri e as disputas em relação à localização da alfândega na vila do Recife. Este debate arrastou-se por certo tempo, pois uns queriam que ela permanecesse no edifício do Conde de Sadomil e outros, que a alfândega fosse transferida para o Forte do Matos. No entanto, esta transferência só se deu um século depois.

Thesis (DTh (Old and New Testament))--University of Stellenbosch, 2006. / This dissertation addresses the topic, “Theological perspectives on Tithing in the Old Testament and their implications for believing communities in Africa.” At the height of “prosperity” and “word of faith” theologies, material resources became a central issue in the contemporary Church in Africa. Opponents query the biblical basis, point to abuses such as the lifestyles of pastors, and allege the commercialization of the gospel. Dispensationalists query the case for tithing in the New Testament, and the degree of reliance on the Old Testament where the situation might be different from ours. The impact has been to provide more resources for the Church and forestall the economic dependency on the West. So the research seeks to answer the questions about the theological basis for the adoption of the tithe system as a means of mobilizing local resources in support of the Church’s programmes, among others. And the thesis of the research is that a rigorous study and theological interpretation of the different examples of tithing in the Old Testament can motivate a more reflective theological-ethical understanding of the practice of tithing amongst believing communities in Africa. In order to achieve this, chapter two presented a survey of tithing in the Ancient Near East and Old Testament. It was shown that the concept of tithing was not peculiar to Ancient Israel; it was also found in other Ancient Eastern cultures like Ancient Egypt, Old and New Babylonia, Assyria, and Ugarit. Whereas the tithe system in the Old Testament was always theologically motivated, it was not always the case in other examples from the Ancient Near East. Chapters three and four studied the theological perspectives of tithing in Numbers and Deuteronomy. Numbers presented the tithe as the wages for the cult personnel, while Deuteronomy expanded the beneficiaries to include, the Levites, the foreigners, the orphans and the widows. The Israelites were to tithe as a means of expressing worship to the LORD and obedience to the laws. Both books presented the tithe as a theological obligation on the worshipper. Chapter five was an empirical survey of tithing in the Presbyterian Church of Nigeria. The study revealed an overwhelming support for the adoption and continuation of the tithe system in the Presbyterian Church of Nigeria. Furthermore, it showed that the PCN needed to do more in helping it’s members have a holistic understanding of the theological motivation for tithing. The “worship of God” was presented as the theological cornerstone of tithing, and the “blessings of God”, as the reward of obedience. Finally, the implications and relevance of tithing for the Church in Africa was evaluated in chapter six. It was shown that by tithing, the Church in Africa would be demonstrating its gratitude for God’s prized redemptive activity in the world, its joyful participation in God’s own undying concern for the poor and destitute; that while tithing should not be pursued as a mere institutionalized legalism, it remains a sound biblical benchmark for Christian stewardship.

La parròquia, poc valorada per la historiografia medieval, fou una la institució fonamental per a l'ordenació de la societat rural del bisbat de Girona entre els segles X i XIV. Constituïa un territori ben delimitat, els habitants del qual rebien els sagraments eclesiàstics dels clergues que regien l'església i, a través de l'obreria i dels obrers, participaven en la gestió del temple i de la seva economia. La parròquia va incidir directament en l'ordenació del poblament rural a través tant dels nuclis eclesials o "celleres" com dels masos dispersos pel terme d'una parròquia. A més, la parròquia era una important font de rendes: a través de la documentació generada pel bisbe de Girona, el delme era una renda en mans, sobretot, de senyors feudals, cavallers i importants institucions eclesiàstiques; els clergues parroquials només rebien les primícies i altres drets de menor valor. Finalment, la parròquia contribuí enormement a la configuració de les comunitats rurals de bona part del bisbat de Girona. / The parish, undervalued by the medieval historiography, was a fundamental institution for the arrangement of the rural society of the diocese of Girona between the 10th and the 13th centuries. It was a well delimited territory, whose inhabitants received the ecclesiastic sacraments of the clergymen who ruled the church and, across the fabric fund and the churchwardens, they took part in the management of the parish and of its economy. The parish influenced directly in the organisation of the rural settlement not only through the ecclesiastical villages, or "celleres", but also through the isolated manses into the boundaries of the parish. Besides, the parish was an important source of revenues: through the documentation generated by the bishop of Girona, the tithe appears as a revenue mainly in hands of feudal lords, gentlemen and important ecclesiastic institutions; the parochial clergymen only were receiving the first fruits, or "primícies", and other rights of minor value. Finally, the parish contributed significantly in the rural communities configuration of most of the diocese of Girona.

The thesis focuses on the economy of the Cistercian Order, from its inception until the end of the 13th century. There are two parallel analysis of monasteries Obazine (France) and Plasy (Bohemia), which are compared in the final part of the research. First the study present foundation of monasteries in the historical context of the country and the region. Then he focuses on the process of acquiring property and attempts to reveal common and different features in the economic development of the courts and farming. The work may present the real situation only to the extent that it allows the historical sources. The main historical source is cartulary of Obazine and documents of Plasy from Codex diplomaticus et epistolaris regni Bohemiae. In addition, the study draws information from various foreign and czech literature.