komerční hry. Zaměřuje se na jejich korespondenci s prezentovanými historickými událostmi a výukový potenciál. Práce vznikala v roce 2017 na základě vědeckých prací Bogosta, Chapmana, Juula a dalších, či vlastním výzkumem podpořeným dotazováním respondenty. V úvodní části se autor zaměřuje na dostupnou teorii a poznání jednak v oblasti výuky u her, jednak v oboru herních studií. V následující části se zabývá metodologií diplomové práce, průběhem vlastního výzkumu a dotazníkem. Autor se snaží komerčních her, vnějších vlivů, které formují jejich podobu a přístupu hráčů k tomuto žánru her. Zároveň se snaží zodpovědět otázky "do jaké míry jsou tituly série vzdělávací a jaký je vztah hráče a komerčního obsahu?" V předposlední části diplomové práce autor pracuje s historií prezentovanou akademickými odborníky. Následně podrobuje herní verzi srovnání a zabývá se také reprezentací historie v dalších typech médií. Na závěr seznamuje autor s povídá vytyčené otázky. V neposlední řadě pak na základě výsledků dotazování prezentuje vztah a vliv vybraných her na hráče.

This dissertation will examine the formation of the myth that William T. Sherman laid waste to the state of Georgia in 1864, and almost single-handedly invented the concept of “total war.” It will also examine how Sherman’s reputation has evolved over the years from accusations of being a Southern sympathizer and traitor at the end of the Civil War to the modern image of Sherman as the destroyer of the old South. William Tecumseh Sherman was the most controversial general of the American Civil War. The modern image of Sherman is either a destructive monster who violated the laws of civilized warfare or a strategic genius who invented modern warfare. Both of these images have evolved over the years. In large part, they have been the product of Lost Cause writers trying to reinterpret the history of the war, but also the product of Union generals and politicians attempting to glorify their own place in the history of the war, men with personal grudges against the general and modern historians using Sherman to make their own arguments about contemporary society. The sources used for this dissertation were the journals, letters and memoirs of the participants. The Official Records of both the Union and Confederacy were examined as well as nineteenth and twentieth century newspapers and magazines. This dissertation will show that the modern conception of General Sherman is not the same as the historical fact, but rather a post-war creation. Individuals’ agendas have created and sustained the myth of Sherman to explain defeat in the Civil War, justify later military strategy, condemn later conflicts and for personal gain. It is not enough to know that historical events as commonly understood are inaccurate; it is important to understand how and why these inaccuracies came about.

At the beginning of the Continuation War in 1941, Finnish and German troops commenced a gradual escalation which resulted in swift successive victories against the Soviets. Yet, Finland´s Field Marshal Mannerheim unexpectedly turned his back on military rationality at Leningrad and Murmansk despite his knowledge of how vitally strategic the locations were to the Soviet war effort. Leningrad was encircled by German and Finnish forces and a successful siege was achievable, yet Mannerheim abruptly discontinued the offensive and chose to assume a stale war lasting until 1944. Likewise, Mannerheim withheld his troops from cutting off Murmansk Railway. These events beckon important inquiries regarding Mannerheim´s decision to de-escalate during successful offensives in a total war and presents a conundrum that few have to date examined holistically. As such, this thesis offers an alternative perspective to the current rational explanations of Finnish warfare in the Continuation War. This thesis discusses specific social processes of Finnish society that rationalist explanations overlook and applies the theory of constructivism to identify that normative factors can complement the prevailing rationalist explanations. This thesis further identifies how the social concepts of identity, shared culture and knowledge, and the norms of the Finnish people, and its leadership, contributed to Mannerheim’s decision to disregard military rationality and de-escalate. Lastly, this thesis determines that norms and ideas matter in war studies and future research should incorporate an interpretivist approach which contemplates social constructions and norms as alternative explanations in complex, multi-casual social phenomena like war.

After Germany’s humiliating World War II defeat, numerous German generals published memoirs claiming that their country’s brilliant military leadership had been undermined by the Führer’s erratic decision making. The author of three highly acclaimed books on the era, Stephen Fritz upends this characterization of Hitler as an ill-informed fantasist and demonstrates the ways in which his strategy was coherent and even competent. That Hitler saw World War II as the only way to retrieve Germany’s fortunes and build an expansionist Thousand-Year Reich is uncontroversial. But while his generals did sometimes object to Hitler’s tactics and operational direction, they often made the same errors in judgment and were in agreement regarding larger strategic and political goals. A necessary volume for understanding the influence of World War I on Hitler’s thinking, this work is also an eye-opening reappraisal of major events like the invasion of Russia and the battle for Normandy. / https://dc.etsu.edu/etsu_books/1286/thumbnail.jpg

Picking up on current research about settler colonialism, this study uses a modified version of a model explaining modern-state formation to explain settler-colonial formation. Charles Tilly identified two simultaneous processes at work – war-making and state-making which produced modern states in Western Europe. Settler-colonial systems engage(d) in a particular type of war to produce their existence: total war. Hence, a modified version of total-war-making and settler-colonial-existence-making (production) occuring in the settler-colonial-creation phase is proposed. However, before this conceptual analytical framework could be developed, it was necessary to examine the meanings of terms such as 'nation' and ‘nation-state’ as well as concepts such as settler-colonialism and total war. The sample of relevant literature analyzed revealed inconsistencies in the meanings of the terms when applying W.H. Newton-Smith’s theory of meaning, suggesting the influence of what Edward Said identified as the workings of orientalism. This has conceptual implications on terms such as settler-colonialism and the meaning of the type of war it wages upon the indigenous nations. It also has implications on developing a conceptual analytical tool to understand the dynamics of the production of the settler-colonial existence. Thus, the terms and concepts needed to be de-orientalized before using them in the modified model which was then used to examine initially three settler-colonial cases: the United States, Australia and Apartheid South Africa. The modified analytical model was able to highlight particular dynamics relevant to settler-colonial systems and was then used – with the incremental and imbricate research done in the first three chapters – to examine the Zionist case. It illustrated that while the cases of the United States and Australia were able pass their creation phases, the Apartheid case could not and subsequently collapsed. The Zionist case seems to be still in its settler-colonial-creation phase. This has implications on current analysis concerning the Palestinian-Israeli conflict.

During the national preparedness in Sweden, 1939-1945, the new dimensions of the “Total war” pushed for a build-up of a Civil defence that could help to reduce effects on the civil population if Sweden were put under attack. This thesis poses the question of how women’s roles in the Civil defence were motivated and driven by the state and women’s defence organisations. It aims to further give knowledge to how social and economic constraints have shaped renegotiation processes of women’s roles in times of national crisis. It finds that the state and women´s defence organisations both evoked and dismissed women’s engagement in the Civil defence. Women were expected to contribute to specific assignments but were not admitted and obliged to the duties on the same terms as men. Women’s roles in the Civil defence changed over time; this can be derived from the increased threat of war and the augmented pressure to provide reserve labour to industries and the defence.

Résumé. Le mémoire s’intéresse à l’émergence historique de la coopération économique régionale comme forme non-hégémonique de coopération. Nous y proposons une approche alternative au problème de l’origine de la coopération systémique, par rapport à la conception d’origine hégémonique de la coopération systémique, propre aux théories néolibérale et néoréaliste. Plutôt que par le biais des théories du marché, l’origine de la coopération est approchée par le biais des processus caractérisant l’anarchie-même tel le processus de construction anarchique des formes de guerre. Et plus spécifiquement, des formes de guerre dont l’usage soumet la structure anarchique à des contraintes extrêmes, mettant celle-ci en crise, exemplifiée par la chute de la puissance hégémonique, la fin d’un système hégémonique et le début de coopération systémique non-hégémonique, de nature plus régionale et économique. En privilégiant l’approche historique, nous insistons notamment sur l’impact critique du commerce au loin et du crédit international dans la construction par la structure anarchique des formes de guerre que la puissance hégémonique ne peut plus supporter. / Historical origins of regional economic cooperation as a non-hegemonic form of cooperation. Abstract. This thesis examines the emergence of the regional economic cooperation as a non-hegemonic form of cooperation. We propose an alternative to the prevailing conception of hegemonic origin of systemic cooperation, proposed by the neorealist and neoliberal theories. Rather than relying on theories of the market, we focus instead on some critical processes of the anarchical structure itself, such as creation of forms of war by anarchy. More specifically, we focus on the forms of war that put the anarchical structure under maximal strain, bringing it to an overwhelming systemic crisis, the fall of a hegemonic power, the end of a hegemonic system, and the onset of a non-hegemonic systemic cooperation of more regional and economic nature. Prioritizing the historical approach we stress especially the role of long-distance trade and international credit in the construction, by the anarchical structure itself, of forms of war impossible for the hegemonic power to withstand.

Tant pour les contemporains que pour les observateurs des XXe et XXIe siècles, la Première Guerre mondiale représente un épisode de l'histoire de l'Humanité particulièrement difficile à se représenter, que plusieurs ont qualifié de « guerre totale ». Ce concept, souvent utilisé comme synonyme une guerre d'extrême intensité, est généralement compris sous l'angle matériel; on parle de la mobilisation totale des ressources humaines, financières et matérielles. J'explore plutôt, dans cette recherche, l'intention de chercher à détruire totalement un ennemi au risque d'être soi-même détruit dans le processus. Car, comment peut-on en venir à jongler avec l'autodestruction sans que la guerre n'acquiert un sens logique, parce que nécessaire à sa propre survie, voire même désirable pour créer un avenir meilleur? À cet effet, l'étude du cas canadien est particulièrement pertinente, car le dominion britannique, sans être objectivement menacé de destruction, a fourni un effort de guerre relativement comparable aux États européens occidentaux. Comprendre la « guerre totale » canadienne de 1914-1918 peut alors aider à comprendre celles d'autres pays et d'autres conflits. Je propose dans ce mémoire une analyse discursive basée sur l'image de guerre – dessins, caricatures et affiches – en deux temps. Tout d'abord, il se crée au niveau international un « vocabulaire » de la guerre totale partagé par les Alliés et constitué de mythes, images, et mots-clés qui permettent l'articulation d'un discours de guerre commun. Ensuite, le Canada intègre de manière différenciée ce discours pour des raisons politiques, ethnolinguistiques, culturelles, etc. La dynamique de création identitaire empruntée à l'international (« nous », les Alliés, contre « eux », les ennemis de la civilisation) se transpose au plan national, avec pour point d'orgue les élections de décembre 1917. En observant comment le Canada réagit au stress de la guerre totale des Alliés, il est possible d'observer d'une autre manière que ne le propose l'historiographie traditionnelle les luttes politiques et sociales du dominion en guerre. Je propose un portrait de la société canadienne où l'identité, les idées, le genre, et l'appartenance à la communauté canadienne ne dépendent pas de l'ethnicité, mais plutôt de l'adhésion ou non aux buts de guerre totale avancés par les Alliés. En bref, l'appartenance à une communauté internationale d'idées en guerre – les Alliés – sert, selon cette analyse, de moteur aux acteurs nationalistes canadiens. / Ranging from contemporaries to observers of the XX and XIX centuries, the First World War is a part of human history difficult to portray that many have described as a “total war”. This concept, which is often employed as a synonym for a war of extreme intensity, is generally perceived from a material angle. In other words, it involves an all-out mobilisation of human, financial, and material resources. As part of this research, I focus on the intention to completely destroy the enemy at the risk of destroying oneself in the process. After all, why would actors think it logical to risk self-destruction in the war? Above all, this struggle needs to be perceived as logical, which would make it necessary for their own survival; it could even be perceived as desirable because it presages a better future. For this reason, the study of the Canadian case is quite instructive because this British dominion, without objectively being threatened with destruction, has participated in a war effort in a way comparable to Western European states. Hence, understanding the concept of Canadian “total war” of 1914-1918 can enable us to better understand total war efforts of other countries and other conflicts. In this dissertation, I propose a twofold discursive analysis based on images of war—drawings, caricatures, and posters. In the first part, a new “vocabulary” of total war common to the Allies and comprised of myths, images and key words geared to the articulation of a common war language is created in the in the international arena. In the second part, Canada adopts this language, albeit in a differentiated form, for political, ethno-linguistic cultural, and many other reasons. The dynamic of identity creation is borrowed from abroad (“Us”, the Allies against “Them”, the enemies of civilisation) and is transposed to the national level, culminating during the elections of December 1917. By observing how Canada reacted to the resulting stress of the total war effort of the Allies, it is possible to develop an alternative observation of political and social struggles of the Dominion at war that runs counter to traditional historiographies. I propose a portrait of Canadian society where identity, ideas, gender, and a sense of belonging to the Canadian community do not depend on one’s ethnicity, but rather on whether or not one supports the objectives of the total war put forth by the Allies. In brief, the sense of belonging to an international community of ideas at war—the Allies—, according to this analysis, is the guiding principle for nationalist Canadian actors.

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Résumé. Le mémoire s’intéresse à l’émergence historique de la coopération économique régionale comme forme non-hégémonique de coopération. Nous y proposons une approche alternative au problème de l’origine de la coopération systémique, par rapport à la conception d’origine hégémonique de la coopération systémique, propre aux théories néolibérale et néoréaliste. Plutôt que par le biais des théories du marché, l’origine de la coopération est approchée par le biais des processus caractérisant l’anarchie-même tel le processus de construction anarchique des formes de guerre. Et plus spécifiquement, des formes de guerre dont l’usage soumet la structure anarchique à des contraintes extrêmes, mettant celle-ci en crise, exemplifiée par la chute de la puissance hégémonique, la fin d’un système hégémonique et le début de coopération systémique non-hégémonique, de nature plus régionale et économique. En privilégiant l’approche historique, nous insistons notamment sur l’impact critique du commerce au loin et du crédit international dans la construction par la structure anarchique des formes de guerre que la puissance hégémonique ne peut plus supporter. / Historical origins of regional economic cooperation as a non-hegemonic form of cooperation. Abstract. This thesis examines the emergence of the regional economic cooperation as a non-hegemonic form of cooperation. We propose an alternative to the prevailing conception of hegemonic origin of systemic cooperation, proposed by the neorealist and neoliberal theories. Rather than relying on theories of the market, we focus instead on some critical processes of the anarchical structure itself, such as creation of forms of war by anarchy. More specifically, we focus on the forms of war that put the anarchical structure under maximal strain, bringing it to an overwhelming systemic crisis, the fall of a hegemonic power, the end of a hegemonic system, and the onset of a non-hegemonic systemic cooperation of more regional and economic nature. Prioritizing the historical approach we stress especially the role of long-distance trade and international credit in the construction, by the anarchical structure itself, of forms of war impossible for the hegemonic power to withstand.