La loi du 20 août 2008 portant rénovation de la démocratie sociale a institué un nouveaumode de reconnaissance de la représentativité syndicale. Cette réforme a renouvelé les critères de lareprésentativité syndicale dont l’audience électorale des organisations syndicales aux électionsprofessionnelles constitue le socle. Dès lors, la représentativité syndicale n’est plus déterminée par unschéma descendant du niveau national et interprofessionnel vers les branches et les entreprises maispar un système ascendant dont le point de départ est l’entreprise. Ce changement a créé non seulementun lien entre les organisations syndicales et la communauté de travail mais également un lien entre lesreprésentants syndicaux et la communauté de travail dont le vote des salariés constitue le principalfondement. Désormais, la reconnaissance des périmètres des institutions représentatives élues dupersonnel conditionne ceux d’appréciation de la représentativité syndicale. Ainsi, l’enchevêtrementdes établissements distincts pour la mise en place des institutions représentatives élues du personnelrend délicate l’appréciation de la représentativité syndicale dans les entreprises à structure complexe.Face aux nouveaux enjeux liés à la reconnaissance de ces périmètres, l’employeur et les représentantsdes organisations syndicales pourraient être amenés à les instrumentaliser dans ce type d’entreprise.A ce titre, nous confronterons les dispositions de la loi du 20 août 2008, telles que réceptionnées par lajurisprudence, avec les garanties qu’elles apportent pour la préservation des liens précédemmentévoqués dans les entreprises à structure complexe. / The law of 20 August 2008 on renewing social democracy has established a new way ofrecognition of trade union representativeness. This reform has renewed the criteria for trade unionrepresentativeness whose the number of votes for trade unions in personnel representative bodies is thefoundation. Therefore, trade union representativeness is no longer determined by a top-down approachfrom national level to branch and company level, but by a bottom-up system where the starting point isthe company. This change has created not only a link between trade unions and the workingcommunity, but also a link between union representatives and the working community whose vote isthe main foundation. Now, the recognition of the boundaries of the elected personnel representativebodies determines where trade union representativeness will be appreciated. Thus, the tangle ofseparate institutions for the establishment of elected personnel representative bodies makes nuancedappreciation of union representativeness in the complex-structure companies. Faced with newchallenges related to the recognition of these boundaries, the social partners could be asked to exploitthem in this type of companies. As such, we will confront the law of 20 August 2008, as interpreted bycase law, with the guarantees they provide for the preservation of the links mentioned above incomplex-structure companies.

This thesis examines elements of continuity and change in systems of pay determination in UK local government, with a specific focus on the period of austerity since 2010. Spending cuts present significant challenges for collective bargaining through the National Joint Council (NJC), which also serves as a ‘critical case’ to test our understanding of contemporary collective bargaining and industrial relations. The research draws on 56 interviews with a total of 62 key actors from the employers’ representative organisations and trade unions at both national and local level, and eight local authority case studies. The interview data are complemented by a range of secondary qualitative and quantitative data sources. It seeks to understand the changing power relationships between employers and unions as they attempt to navigate increasingly turbulent waters, and the pragmatic trade-offs both sides are willing make over pay, terms and conditions, and working practices in pursuit of longer-term strategic goals. These issues are addressed through three levels of analysis. Firstly, building on a rich tradition of industrial relations research, the thesis shows how the national employers have repositioned the sector level collective agreement as a means to deliver cost control rather than ‘fair wages’, which the unions have so far tolerated in preference to a complete dissolution of national bargaining. Second, drawing on contingency models of pay and HRM, case study data are used to explore the mixture of managerialism and political opportunism which characterises the development and implementation of pay and reward strategies at the level of the organisation. The findings identify the continued importance of transparent job evaluation processes in determining wage structures, but also show how pay practices act as a means to signal desired behaviours from employees, and are used to reinforce local level political narratives. Finally, through a critical re-appraisal of New Public Management (NPM) reforms in local government since the 1980s, further case study data reveal the way in which employers have reorganised staffing structures to match reduced budgets, but it appears that increased levels of work intensity for a significantly depleted workforce are beginning to impact on service standards. The findings also suggest that the on-going process of restructuring serves as a means to increase managerial control of ‘the labour process’ through the efforts to standardise working practices and break down embedded departmental and professional identities. Taken together, the evidence suggests that although the formal institutions of employment relations have proved to be remarkably resilient, collective bargaining as a dynamic mode of joint regulation built on the notion of partnership has steadily been crowded out from both above and below. The meaningful content of negotiations has been squeezed by the tight financial constraints applied by central government, and in the vacuum created by stalled sector level negotiations local level pay and HRM strategies are becoming increasingly important to explain the level and distribution of wages. Perhaps as important as negotiations over pay are negotiations over working practices which fall outside the formal regulatory scope of the collective agreement, and change expectations about working time, task discretion, and job boundaries. A degree of drift across these three dimensions has resulted in an increasingly fluid adjustment of the wage-effort bargain over which the unions have a declining sphere of influence.

Magister Philosophiae - MPhil / The main objective of this research is to asses the effectiveness of the channels (collective bargaining and workplace forums) created by the LRA for employee‟s participation in decision making in the mining sector. Problems related to employee participation will be examined to determine whether they are structural or due to shortcomings in the LRA. If it is found that there are shortcomings of the labour legislation in this regard, recommendations on how the shortcoming can be addressed will be made. The significance of this research paper is that it attempts to determine the efficacy of the current statutorily protected channels for employee participation in the mining sector against the backdrop of prevalent theories on employee participation. Although many labour law authors have commented on the role of workplace forums in South Africa, the relative advantages of workplace forums have not been analysed through the lens of the theories on employee participation

The main aim of this tesis is the analysis of the collective bargaining process which should be helping the employees to reach better working conditions. The collective contracts from the CR will be explored to see if it this is true. Other aims are : 1. Description of the evolution of the Trade Unions in the Czech republic, Greece and Italy. 2. Description of the legal frame work and today situation of the Trade Unions in these countries. 3. Consideration of the influence of the financial crises on the collective bargaining. The tesis explores on the base of the data from the years 2008 and 2009 the influence of the financial crises on the collective bargaining in the Czech republic and explores if the salaries have economical containt and how the union members'demands change according to the general economic situation. As for the main target it tries to prove the success and necessity or its opposite of the collective bargaining in the reality of the Czech republic.

In my master thesis I focus on the effect of World War 1 on labour unions power in the United States of America. The goal is to answer these questions: What factors influenced position of labour unions at the beginning of the 20th century? How did the position of labour unions change during World War I? World War I was already a second experience with war economy in the history of the USA (remember American Civil War). For the first time, though, labour unions played important role in the American economy. I have decided to analyze the effect of World War I on position of labour unions because I consider it an important one. In Chapter one I will analyze the influence of war inflation on real wages of employees and on the ratio between wages of union workers and non-union workers. Chapter two is dedicated to labour conditions (social programs, safety, unemployment benefits) and to their modifications which took place because of World War I. Chapter three is about labour legislation development (regulation of hours and wages, yellow dog contracts, anti-trust and immigration legislation) and its adjustments during the war years. In the Conclusion I sum up all the evidence and evaluate the influence of the World War I on the labour unions and their members.

Made available in DSpace on 2017-06-01T18:17:59Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 dissertacao_marcilio_mota.pdf: 405316 bytes, checksum: 4ed4886de5e1c271aed5e6717b74c3ea (MD5) Previous issue date: 2007-11-01 / Sem resumo / Este trabalho tem por objeto a substituição processual por sindicatos no processo trabalhista. A escolha do tema foi motivada pela experiência do autor na magistratura trabalhista e no magistério superior. Assim, propõe-se, com este estudo, refletir sobre a cooperação do instituto na celeridade do processo e na efetividade dos direitos no âmbito do processo especial do trabalho. Inicialmente, foi analisada a questão da morosidade do Judiciário e da falta de efetividade dos direitos na perspectiva de legitimação dos poderes constituídos e do desenvolvimento econômico do País, tendo sido a substituição processual por sindicatos vista sob esse prisma, para, em seqüência, ser examinada sua atuação no quadro do processo do trabalho. No âmbito do processo especial do trabalho, a análise do instituto foi levada a efeito considerando-se as normas em vigor e o novo paradigma estabelecido pela Constituição da República de 1988. Em seqüência, refletiu-se sobre as relações da substituição processual por sindicatos com a celeridade e a efetividade dos direitos. Para finalizar, este trabalho de pesquisa examina temas que dizem respeito à aplicação prática do instituto. Perquiriu-se, destarte, sobre as questões da intervenção do substituído no processo em que houve a substituição processual, quanto aos limites materiais da substituição por sindicatos e sobre a litispendência e a coisa julgada em torno desse instituto processual. As conclusões que podem ser extraídas deste estudo revelam a necessidade de difusão da substituição processual por sindicatos, na medida em que constitui relevante instrumento de despersonificação dos conflitos trabalhistas, além de permitir a concentração de demandas, com economia e segurança processuais, o acesso dos trabalhadores à Justiça, uma vez que estes não suportam ônus econômico-financeiro, e o incentivo ao associativismo, a partir da credibilidade dos sindicatos perante os trabalhadores

Magister Philosophiae - MPhil / In the early 1990s, South Africa (SA) entered its democratic transition, which created expectations of a dramatic turnaround in the country’s economy.1 The readmission of SA to the global arena introduced the economy to concepts such as globalisation. Globalisation came with some implications and impact that have been widely debated.2 The democratic transition brought a significant change to the job spectrum, generating an increase in Temporary Employment Service (TES) and a decrease in permanent employment.3 The reasons leading to this increase are that subcontracting is beneficial to employers in that this process results in the transferral of social risks to the subcontractor, reducing direct exposure to labour legislation.4 Regarding the pertinence of this issue, the Congress of South African Trade Unions (COSATU), the biggest union federation in the country, and the ruling party, the African National Congress (ANC), have long called for the elimination of labour brokers.5 COSATU, in its presentation to the Portfolio Committee on Labour in 2009, argued that labour brokers act as intermediaries to access jobs that allegedly exist, and which in many cases would have existed previously as permanent full time jobs.6 On the other hand, political organisations, such as the Democratic Alliance (DA), Congress of the People (COPE) and Business Unity South Africa (BUSA), have called for the regulation of labour brokers.7 These organisations argued that competition among businesses has increased over the past few decades. Therefore, in order to remain competitive, it is imperative to enhance technology and to adopt flexibility regarding human resource processes to minimise costs and to allow companies to broaden their investment based on the positive turnover that will occur. The continuing point of view of the opposition political coalitions has been to boost the corporate.

Datum: 2022-05-30  Nivå: Magisteruppsats i Företagsekonomi, 15 hp Akademi: Akademin för Ekonomi, Samhälle och Teknik, Mälardalens Universitet  Författare: Amanda Gustafsson (98/01/23) och Malva Hornfelt (95/11/21) Titel: Opinionsbildning för ett jämställt arbetsliv? Handledare: Magnus Linderström  Nyckelord: Jämställdhet, institutionalism, särkoppling, isomorfism, idéspridning, intresseorganisationer Forskningsfrågor: Övergripande fråga; Vilka institutionella förhållanden och processer återfinns i opinionsbildningen om jämställdhet?  Underfrågor; Hur kommer idéspridning till uttryck i Ledarnas opinionsbildning? Hur positionerar sig Ledarna i förhållande till isomorfa processer? Hur framställs Ledarnas opinionsbildning och uttalanden i förhållande till särkoppling? Syfte: Studiens syfte är att undersöka Ledarna och deras ställningstaganden kring jämställdhet utifrån ett institutionellt perspektiv, för att skapa djupare förståelse för de institutionella förhållanden och processer som försvårar aktualiseringen av jämställdhet i praktiken. Metod: I studien används en kvalitativ fallstudiemetodik och en tematisk dokumentanalys som främsta verktyg. Det empiriska materialet utgörs av publicerade dokument i form av debattartiklar och blogginlägg. Slutsats: Opinionsbildningen präglas av institutionella processer i form av särkoppling, idéspridning och föreställningar som tolkas som sanning. Idéspridning och föreställningar förekommer i syfte att synliggöra den särkoppling och dissonans som finns i jämställdhetsdebatten. Förståelse för de institutionella strukturernas förhållande till debattens utformning har möjliggjorts i och med studiens teoretiska tolkning av fenomenet. Studiens empiriska bidrag möjliggör en djupare förståelse för fenomenet i den givna kontexten och bör ej generaliseras. / Date: 2022-05-30 Level: Master thesis in Business Administration, 15 cr  Institution: School of Business, Society and Engineering, Mälardalen University  Authors: Amanda Gustafsson (98/01/23) and Malva Hornfelt (95/11/21) Title: Debating for work life equality? Supervisor: Magnus Linderström  Keywords: Equality, institutionalism, decoupling, isomorphic processes, translation of ideas, trade unions. Research questions: Overarching question; Which institutional processes are present in the debate regarding gender equality? Sub-questions; How is translation of ideas presented in the trade union Ledarna’s opinions? What is the trade union Ledarna’s stance regarding isomorphic processes? How are the opinions of the trade union Ledarna presented in regard to decoupling? Purpose: The purpose of this case study is to establish a deeper understanding of the institutional processes which complicate the actualization of gender equality in the workplace, by examining the views presented by the Swedish trade union Ledarna in the debate regarding gender equality. Method: This is a qualitative case study which utilizes a thematic document analysis as its main tool of analysis. The empirical data consists of web-based publications such as blog posts and debate articles. Conclusion: The debate is characterized by institutional processes such as decoupling, translation of ideas and perceptions perceived as truths. Translation of ideas as well as perceptions are used in the debate to visualize the dissonance and decoupling which is present in the views surrounding the gender equality debate. Deeper understanding for the relationship between the debate and the institutional processes have been generated due to the theoretical interpretation of the phenomenon. The empirical contribution of the study establishes a deeper understanding for the phenomena in its given context and thus should not be generalized or used for wider application within organizational theory.

The thesis studies the Swedish government policy of freight transports during a period ofstructural change since the 1920s. The focus is on the 1963 Transport Act, which introduced amore market-oriented approach. The views of the trade unions during this process areanalysed in more detail. Frequent financial problems of the railways were the main driverbehind different policy decisions in the Swedish Parliament, such as the nationalisation in1939, tightened quantity control of road freight transports, as well as the liberalisation in 1963and its abrupt cancellation 5 years later. No policy change was implemented without thesupport of Statens Järnvägar, the state-owned railway. Unions were sceptical to theliberalisation programme and preferred varying degrees of regulation and planning, althoughstated in general terms. They also agreed on the need for quantity control for most of theperiod, but for different reasons. After supporting Transport workers resistance toliberalisation of quantity control in the late 1940s, LO, the peak organisation, became morepositive in the 1960s, which created a split between the unions. As the problems for therailways deepened later, LO joined the Railway workers in support for rigorous transportplanning, which was fiercely resisted by the Transport Workers, which further increased therift.

Domestic work and care tasks have historically been assigned to women and have never been considered as real work, as they happen within the private scene of the home in both its forms, salaried and unpaid. Due to this conception, dating back from the servitude and slavery systems of the colonial era, and rooted in the patriarchal structure of societies, domestic workers have struggled, and still struggle today in many countries to see their rights recognised. They face stigma and lack an institutional back up. In this sphere, Uruguay sets an example, with one of the most advanced legislations on domestic work in the world after a tripartite negotiation that happened in 2006 between representatives of domestic workers and employers as well as the mediation of the executive power. This research aims to see how the change in legislation changed domestic workers lives and what impact these changes had in the social shared thought. It also looks at the collective identity building of domestic workers in Uruguay through the conduction of interviews with members of the domestic workers’ union, the SUTD. Did the legislative change bring about a cultural change? What lessons can we learn from the Uruguayan case?