A greve é um instrumento de força e pressão dos trabalhadores, constituindo um mecanismo de autotutela. O ordenamento jurídico brasileiro o reconhece como um direito constitucional e prevê a participação dos sindicatos para a sua deflagração. Entretanto, constatam-se greves que foram iniciadas sem a sua presença, objetivando a busca de melhores condições de trabalho e a defesa de posições contrárias ao sindicato da categoria. Nesse sentido, o presente trabalho tem como objetivo geral verificar se as greves sem a presença do sindicato da categoria decorrem da representação sindical dos trabalhadores prevista no atual modelo de organização sindical brasileiro. A pesquisa se pauta em um estudo dogmático, que partiu da revisão bibliográfica acerca do tema e adotou referenciais de análise de conteúdo a partir de acórdãos dos Tribunais Regionais do Trabalho e do Tribunal Superior do Trabalho que versaram sobre esses movimentos grevistas. Após a seleção do universo da pesquisa, verificou-se a presença de indicativos de que a representação sindical dos trabalhadores decorrentes do modelo de organização sindical brasileiro é um fator determinante para as greves sem a presença do sindicato da categoria, especialmente pela falta de instrumentos que permitam a aferição da representatividade dos sindicatos. / The strike is a instrument of force and pressure of the workers, constituting a mechanism of self-protection. The Brazilian legal system recognizes it as a constitutional right and establishes the participation of trade unions in its outbreak. However, it was observed that strikes were initiated without the trade union presence, aiming at the search for better working conditions and the defense of opposing positions to the union of the workers category. In this sense, the research work has as general objective verify if the strikes without the presence of the union of the workers category arise from the workers union representation established in the current model of Brazilian union organization. The research is based on a dogmatic study, which started with the bibliographical review on the subject and adopted benchmarks of content analysis of judgments of the Regional Labor Courts and the Superior Labor Court that handled these striking movements. After the selection of the research universe, it was verified the presence of indications that the workers union representation resulting from the Brazilian union organization model is a determining factor for strikes without the presence of the trade union of the workers category, especially due the lack of instruments to verify the unions representativeness.

This thesis analyses local forms of civil society practised in contemporary Kazakhstan and Uzbekistan and provides a common thread on which to base a Central Asian understanding of civil society. I look to find out factors and constituents, which on the surface might be different from a classical liberal concept of civil society. The thesis applies a wider anthropological framework, which sees civil society as a broad network of social relationships, including traditional forms of associational life that can be relatively independent of the state. The study draws upon a multi-locale ethnography in Kazakhstan and Uzbekistan including in-depth and focus group interviews, participant observations, case studies, and archival research. I have investigated associations whose activities are concerned with reciprocal relations within society based on community solidarity, self-help, and mutual trust. These include professional associations, trade unions, ethno-cultural associations, religious organisations, courtyard clubs, the traditional Uzbek neighbourhood institution of mahalla, and informal practices of gap and khashar. While arguing that the meaning of civil society depends on context, the study has found that traditional elements of the preserved social fabric in Central Asian societies are reflected in today's networks of individuals. The thesis has generated knowledge on how local forms of associational life define the civil sphere by shaping social organisation, solidarity and mobilisation. Through empirical understanding of the public space, formal and informal networks that bond people together, we can locate wider ethnographic differences between not only the original and Central Asian concepts of civil society but also between two local cultures of Kazakhstan and Uzbekistan.

In the literature on the emergence of the welfare state, the strength of trade unions and the organized working class is often touted as the primary driving force behind the welfare state project. Furthermore, much of the previous literature has tended to assume union homogeneity across countries, federations, industries and professions. What is conspicuously lacking from the current political science literature is a systematic analysis of real-world trade unions’ choice of labor market advocacy focus. Using a qualitative approach and studying both published union material as well as conducting a number of elite interviews with high-level union officials, this thesis studies the degree to which Swedish trade unions’ labor market policy preferences are defined by the union members’ labor market risk exposure and whether the union adheres to white-collar or blue-collar unionism. While the conclusions indeed suggest that labor market risk and blue-collar/white-collar unionism do have a systematic impact on cartain aspects of trade unions’ labor market advocacy, future “large N” studies utilizing alternative methodological approaches will be required to draw more easily generalizable conclusions.

<p>This essay compares the public debate in Sweden 1992 caused by the reforms introduced by the then government giving parents a free choice of schools for their children with the current debate in France about proposals for a similar law there. The study concentrates on the positions taken by the teachers trade unions, in Sweden Lärarförbundet and Lärarnas Riksförbund (LR) and in France SGEN-CFDT. To do so it is necessary also to study the arguments given for and against the proposals by the political parties.</p><p>Some of the differences between the debates can be attributed to different circumstances. The Swedish reform was related to the opening up of possibilities to run private schools, which previously had been rare in Sweden. The French debate has no such connections. The private schools, mostly Catholic, have a very stable share of the students and no side is openly arguing for a change of any sort. Other differences depend on the French adversity to liberalism, almost always conflated with neo-liberalism which makes market-oriented arguments much less common in French public debate.</p><p>Among the trade unions the big difference is between the two Swedish organisations, LR was overall positive to the proposals while Lärarförbundet opposed them. In France SGEN-CFDT takes a position strikingly similar to Lärarförbundets in Sweden 1992 seeing free choice as undermining the idea of a school system for all. In Sweden that idea is seen as a part of the welfare state, closely connected to the Social Democratic party. In France it is seen as a republican idea, connected to an idea of citizenship.</p><p>The trade unions of the teachers in both France and Sweden are also in similar positions as their role has become merely reactive. There seems to be little room left for them to formulate policy and push the educational systems in their prefered directions.</p>

<p>De traditionella flygbolagen verkar idag på en konkurrensutsatt marknad. Då flygbolagen ofta är statligt ägda präglas de av byråkratiska och komplexa beslutsprocesser. I flygbolagens omgivning finns ett flertal olika intressenter, däribland fackförbund. Dessa kan ha en ansenlig inverkan på flygbolagen. Uppsatsen kommer att utgå ifrån en deduktiv ansats där kvalitativa intervjuer samt en kvantitativ enkätundersökning kommer att genomföras. Uppsatsen kommer att utgå ifrån ett intressentperspektiv där följande teorier kommer att tillämpas; intressentmodellen, affärsidén, involveringsteorin samt värdestjärnan. Empirin består av primärdata i form av intervjuer samt en enkätundersökning med 50 stycken slumpmässigt valda respondenter. Resultatet visar på att SAS nästintill 40 stycken fackförbund skapar en generell tröghet i bolaget. Antalet gör det svårt att uppnå en samverkan mellan de olika parterna. Det finns dock förutsättningar för samverkan men parterna måste då vara villiga att genomgå de strukturförändringar som krävs. Författarna har kommit fram till att det inte råder någon samverkan mellan fackförbunden och SAS. Då det inte är någon samverkan ser heller inte fackförbunden till SAS välmående utan mer till sina medlemmars önskemål och behov. För att nå en långsiktig överlevnad bör SAS och dess struktur förändras i takt med omvärlden.</p>

<p>I uppsatsen görs en läroboksanalys av samhällskunskapsläroböcker från 1970-tal och 2000-tal. Samtliga läroböcker som ingår i analysen vänder sig till elever i gymnasieskolan. Fokus för analysen är hur arbetsmarknadens parter framställs under 1970-talet, respektive under 2000-talet. Framställningen av dessa aktörer kopplas bl.a. till samhällsutvecklingen och till för tiden gällande styrdokument.  </p>

<p>This dissertation explores the transformation of the industrial relations regime in Sweden during the 1990s. Four areas are studied; industrial relations of the growing service sector, industrial relations of small enterprises, effects of re-regulation and introduction of competition on industrial relations in telecommunications service and internationalisation of industrial relations in the metal sector, showing that in the 1990s, the labour market regime of Sweden changed into a new regime, as a result of altered conditions caused by the third industrial revolution. The changes took place within a certain context and were governed by a strong path dependence. The internationalisation or Europeanization of the economy, foremost the upsurge in ingoing foreign direct investments, increased the Swedish industry’s dependence on non-national actors and economy. The employers and the trade unions had strong incentives to come to an agreement (the Industrial Agreement in 1997), to achieve international competitiveness. The increasing dependence on (Western/European) trade and investments caused additional adjustments of industrial relations. The Europeanization of the political decision making process (EU membership) had also an impact, to which was added liberalisation, abandoning monopolies etc, but the effect were not as substantial as that of (economic) internationalisation.</p>

This dissertation explores the transformation of the industrial relations regime in Sweden during the 1990s. Four areas are studied; industrial relations of the growing service sector, industrial relations of small enterprises, effects of re-regulation and introduction of competition on industrial relations in telecommunications service and internationalisation of industrial relations in the metal sector, showing that in the 1990s, the labour market regime of Sweden changed into a new regime, as a result of altered conditions caused by the third industrial revolution. The changes took place within a certain context and were governed by a strong path dependence. The internationalisation or Europeanization of the economy, foremost the upsurge in ingoing foreign direct investments, increased the Swedish industry’s dependence on non-national actors and economy. The employers and the trade unions had strong incentives to come to an agreement (the Industrial Agreement in 1997), to achieve international competitiveness. The increasing dependence on (Western/European) trade and investments caused additional adjustments of industrial relations. The Europeanization of the political decision making process (EU membership) had also an impact, to which was added liberalisation, abandoning monopolies etc, but the effect were not as substantial as that of (economic) internationalisation.

I uppsatsen görs en läroboksanalys av samhällskunskapsläroböcker från 1970-tal och 2000-tal. Samtliga läroböcker som ingår i analysen vänder sig till elever i gymnasieskolan. Fokus för analysen är hur arbetsmarknadens parter framställs under 1970-talet, respektive under 2000-talet. Framställningen av dessa aktörer kopplas bl.a. till samhällsutvecklingen och till för tiden gällande styrdokument.

De traditionella flygbolagen verkar idag på en konkurrensutsatt marknad. Då flygbolagen ofta är statligt ägda präglas de av byråkratiska och komplexa beslutsprocesser. I flygbolagens omgivning finns ett flertal olika intressenter, däribland fackförbund. Dessa kan ha en ansenlig inverkan på flygbolagen. Uppsatsen kommer att utgå ifrån en deduktiv ansats där kvalitativa intervjuer samt en kvantitativ enkätundersökning kommer att genomföras. Uppsatsen kommer att utgå ifrån ett intressentperspektiv där följande teorier kommer att tillämpas; intressentmodellen, affärsidén, involveringsteorin samt värdestjärnan. Empirin består av primärdata i form av intervjuer samt en enkätundersökning med 50 stycken slumpmässigt valda respondenter. Resultatet visar på att SAS nästintill 40 stycken fackförbund skapar en generell tröghet i bolaget. Antalet gör det svårt att uppnå en samverkan mellan de olika parterna. Det finns dock förutsättningar för samverkan men parterna måste då vara villiga att genomgå de strukturförändringar som krävs. Författarna har kommit fram till att det inte råder någon samverkan mellan fackförbunden och SAS. Då det inte är någon samverkan ser heller inte fackförbunden till SAS välmående utan mer till sina medlemmars önskemål och behov. För att nå en långsiktig överlevnad bör SAS och dess struktur förändras i takt med omvärlden.