Magister Philosophiae - MPhil / In the early 1990s, South Africa (SA) entered its democratic transition, which created expectations of a dramatic turnaround in the country’s economy.1 The readmission of SA to the global arena introduced the economy to concepts such as globalisation. Globalisation came with some implications and impact that have been widely debated.2 The democratic transition brought a significant change to the job spectrum, generating an increase in Temporary Employment Service (TES) and a decrease in permanent employment.3 The reasons leading to this increase are that subcontracting is beneficial to employers in that this process results in the transferral of social risks to the subcontractor, reducing direct exposure to labour legislation.4 Regarding the pertinence of this issue, the Congress of South African Trade Unions (COSATU), the biggest union federation in the country, and the ruling party, the African National Congress (ANC), have long called for the elimination of labour brokers.5 COSATU, in its presentation to the Portfolio Committee on Labour in 2009, argued that labour brokers act as intermediaries to access jobs that allegedly exist, and which in many cases would have existed previously as permanent full time jobs.6

Bakgrund: Studier visar på att den fackliga organisationsgraden som är central för maktbalansen i den svenska partsmodellen har minskat under 2000-talet men att det samtidigt finns skillnader mellan fackförbunden. Tidigare forskning visar på ett samband mellan individualiseringen i samhället och förändringar i den procentuella andelen som är anslutna till fackförbunden. Syfte: Syftet med studien är att analysera och jämföra hur fackförbundet IF Metall framställer sitt fackliga budskap genom sin medlemstidning Dagens Arbete och hur fackförbundet Unionen framställer sitt fackliga budskap genom sin medlemstidning Kollega. Detta mot bakgrund av de samhällsförändringar som medfört en övergång från ett samhälle präglat av kollektivism och Gemeinschaft till ett samhälle som domineras av individualism och Gesellschaft. Teoretisk referensram: Studiens teoretiska referensram innehåller Goffmans dramaturgiska perspektiv, Brunninges organisatoriska självförståelse, Jenkins sociala identitet samt Tönnies begreppspar Gemeinschaft och Gesellschaft. Metod: Metoden som används är en kvalitativ kritisk diskursanalys. Resultat: I resultatet framkommer att IF Metall framställer och förstår sig själv som traditionell, kollektivistisk, solidarisk, socialistisk samt principfast på ledarsidorna i medlemstidningen Dagens Arbete medan Unionen framställer och förstår sig själv som innovativ, personlig, solidarisk samt pragmatisk på ledarsidorna i medlemstidningen Kollega. / Background: Studies show that the degree of trade union organisation which is central to the balance of power in the Swedish part model has decreased during the 21st century but at the same time that there are differences between the trade unions. Previous research shows a correlation between individualisation in society and changes in the percentage affiliated with trade unions. Purpose: The purpose of the study is to analyze and compare how the trade union IF Metall presents its union message through its member magazine Dagens Arbete and how the trade union Unionen presents its union message through its member magazine Kollega. This in light of changes in society which has entailed a transition from a society characterized by collectivism and Gemeinschaft to a society dominated by individualism and Gesellschaft.   Theoretical framework: The theoretical framework of the study contains Goffmans dramaturgical perspective, Brunninges organisational self-understanding, Jenkins social identity and Tönnies conceptual pair Gemeinschaft and Gesellschaft. Method: The method is a qualitative critical discourse analysis. Results: The result reveals that IF Metall presents and understands itself as traditional, collectivistic, solidarity-based, socialistic and principled on the editorial pages in the member magazine Dagens Arbete. Unionen presents and understands itself as innovative, personalised, solidarity-based and pragmatic on the editorial pages in the member magazine Kollega.

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Orientador: Angela Maria Carneiro Araujo / Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciencias Humanas / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-11T09:39:56Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Figueiredo_MarianaLeite_M.pdf: 1454026 bytes, checksum: 84cb20aae364ea2ee2099ae7546c03f1 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2007 / Resumo: O propósito desta dissertação de mestrado é realizar um estudo sobre o que se convencionou denominar, nos anos 90 e início dos anos 2000, a ¿esquerda da CUT¿, a partir de três dos mais importantes representantes dessa fração do movimento sindical brasileiro: os sindicatos dos metalúrgicos de Campinas, Limeira e São José dos Campos. O objetivo específico é analisar a prática concreta dessas entidades e seus resultados na defesa dos trabalhadores de suas bases. O objetivo geral da dissertação é, por sua vez, oferecer, ao debate sobre o sindicalismo brasileiro nos anos 90 e 2000, elementos empíricos e uma discussão teórica sobre a prática sindical ¿não propositiva¿, estes relativamente ausentes na produção nacional sobre a questão sindical. Os resultados da pesquisa apontam para a positividade das táticas e da estratégia das entidades estudadas, cujo norte foi a resistência à qualquer redução de direitos, a manutenção de um discurso classista e da crítica sistemática ao neoliberalismo, além da ênfase na organização e na formação política dos trabalhadores. Os resultados positivos foram verificados empiricamente a partir da análise dos acordos coletivos e da observação da manutenção de índices significativos de sindicalização. A esses, soma-se a negação da premissa segundo a qual ¿não há alternativa¿ à acomodação e moderação do sindicalismo brasileiro imposta pela conjuntura desfavorável aos trabalhadores, que suporte a pressão e o poder ¿dos mercados¿. Por outro lado, os resultados apontam também para as dificuldades colocadas aos sindicatos estudados, que decorreram, em grande medida, do processo de aprofundamento da exploração capitalista e do aumento do desemprego e da precarização do trabalho com a implementação de novas técnicas de gestão e do avanço das políticas neoliberais, cujos resultados mais visíveis foram: a dificuldade de realizar mobilizações significativas e de incorporar novos militantes, em especial os mais jovens, a falta de rotatividade da diretoria e a impossibilidade de refrear a tendência à burocratização das entidades. Enfim, a limitação da ação sindical ao campo da resistência / Abstract: The purpose of this dissertation is to exam the ¿CUT leftwing¿, through the analysis of the tree most important representatives of this section of Brazilian unionism: the Metal Trade Union of Campinas, of Limeira and of São José dos Campos. The main purpose is to analyze the concrete practices of these unions and its results in the defense of workers. The general objective is, on turn, to offer, to the academic debate about Brazilian unionism, some empirical aspects and a theorical analysis about the ¿non propositive¿ union practice, relatively absent in the national literature on unionism. The research¿s results point out the benefits of the strategy and tactics of the studied unions whose objectives were the resistance to any right's reduction, the maintenance of class perspective, a strong anti-neoliberal perspective and the emphasis on worker's organization and political training. Those gains were empirically verified, specially, through the analysis of collective bargaining agreements and the maintenance of a significant union density. In addition, there is the refusal of the idea that ¿there is no alternative¿ to the unions¿ adjustment and moderation caused by the unfavorable worker's situation. Besides the research results also point out the difficulties posed to the leftist union¿s leaders by the deepening of capitalist exploitation processes and the increasing unemployment and work degradation fostered by new management techniques and the advance of neoliberal politics. These difficulties are related to organizing significant mobilizations and to have new militants, specially younger workers joining in, the lack of union¿s leaders regular rotation and the impossibility to avoid union¿s burocratization tendencies. In short, the limitation of union¿s action to the field of resistance / Mestrado / Relações de Trabalho e Organização de Interesses / Mestre em Ciência Política

This paper strives to answer a question most anyone remotely involved with education has encountered: what is the relationship between the content taught and its purpose? In this case, the question is in the context of the Workers’ Education Association in Sweden (ABF) and other educational efforts made by the Swedish labour movement. In order to answer such a question one must first outline in some detail what the content to be taught was, and what purpose the association itself saw as the important one. But the matter is also further explored: the Swedish labour movement appears to view education and culture in a rather non-Marxist manner, which poses a question to be untangled in order to fully understand the connection between content and purpose, namely that of what view they did in fact hold. Here, it will be argued that the Swedish labour movement held a proto-Bourdieuan view of culture as a form of societal and cultural capital which must be distributed in order for the emancipatory and egalitarian efforts to succeed.

Textile manufacture in England had always employed a high proportion of women and this continued to be the case during the period 1760-1850. However, these industries underwent dramatic changes in both the nature and location of production, and women’s employment opportunities altered. Whilst in some cases technological advances reduced the strength required to perform a given process, making women more attractive to employers, this was not always the case. Urbanisation and factory production increased trade union influence, which often acted to the detriment of women’s access to well-paid occupations. The long standardised hours worked away from the home typically required of factory workers made it harder for women to combine textile work with the mothering and domestic responsibilities expected of them. As well as making it harder for women to work throughout their life, this discouraged investment in human capital of females by both themselves and their parents. Ideological resistance to women’s work outside of the home increased as the Industrial Revolution progressed. The more formalised work hierarchy created by factory production meant that resistance to female authority became increasingly important for denying women access to the best paid occupations. Ideology was not merely a response to material factors, but helped determine decisions made by economic actors. This thesis draws on a number of parliamentary reports over the period 1802-67. Not only do these reports provide a wealth of qualitative information, they also contain quantitative information which enables me to track male and female factory earnings over the life-cycle, by region and industry. The information in the parliamentary reports is used in conjunction with business records of various firms, covering both domestic and factory workers, as well as the writings of numerous contemporary observers.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-26T20:29:57Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Maria Cristina Cintra Machaczek.pdf: 1460796 bytes, checksum: bf788c0112565496996ae62d21b3ad23 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2009-10-26 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / This dissertation studies the importance of and need for freedom of trade unions as foreseen in Convention 87 of the International Labor Organization. By means of a historical digression the role and relevance of that organization and some aspects of the unions organization are considered with, as well as the legal and supra-legal barriers that hinder the implementation of the unions freedom in Brazil. Using a legal and philosophical approach, the question of freedom will be based, on the reflections of Hannah Arendt in her books The Human Condition and Between Past and Future , as well on the contribution of other authors / Esta dissertação estuda a importância e necessidade da liberdade sindical preconizada na Convenção 87 da Organização Internacional do Trabalho. Por meio de uma digressão histórica abordamos o papel e relevância dessa Organização e alguns aspectos da organização sindical, assim como as barreiras de ordem legal e supra legal que impossibilitam a implementação da liberdade sindical no Brasil. A questão da liberdade será fundamentada sob o enfoque jurídico e filosófico contido, nas reflexões de Hannah Arendt a partir de suas obras: A Condição Humana e Entre o Passado e o Futuro , e também com a contribuição de outros autores

A greve é um instrumento de força e pressão dos trabalhadores, constituindo um mecanismo de autotutela. O ordenamento jurídico brasileiro o reconhece como um direito constitucional e prevê a participação dos sindicatos para a sua deflagração. Entretanto, constatam-se greves que foram iniciadas sem a sua presença, objetivando a busca de melhores condições de trabalho e a defesa de posições contrárias ao sindicato da categoria. Nesse sentido, o presente trabalho tem como objetivo geral verificar se as greves sem a presença do sindicato da categoria decorrem da representação sindical dos trabalhadores prevista no atual modelo de organização sindical brasileiro. A pesquisa se pauta em um estudo dogmático, que partiu da revisão bibliográfica acerca do tema e adotou referenciais de análise de conteúdo a partir de acórdãos dos Tribunais Regionais do Trabalho e do Tribunal Superior do Trabalho que versaram sobre esses movimentos grevistas. Após a seleção do universo da pesquisa, verificou-se a presença de indicativos de que a representação sindical dos trabalhadores decorrentes do modelo de organização sindical brasileiro é um fator determinante para as greves sem a presença do sindicato da categoria, especialmente pela falta de instrumentos que permitam a aferição da representatividade dos sindicatos. / The strike is a instrument of force and pressure of the workers, constituting a mechanism of self-protection. The Brazilian legal system recognizes it as a constitutional right and establishes the participation of trade unions in its outbreak. However, it was observed that strikes were initiated without the trade union presence, aiming at the search for better working conditions and the defense of opposing positions to the union of the workers category. In this sense, the research work has as general objective verify if the strikes without the presence of the union of the workers category arise from the workers union representation established in the current model of Brazilian union organization. The research is based on a dogmatic study, which started with the bibliographical review on the subject and adopted benchmarks of content analysis of judgments of the Regional Labor Courts and the Superior Labor Court that handled these striking movements. After the selection of the research universe, it was verified the presence of indications that the workers union representation resulting from the Brazilian union organization model is a determining factor for strikes without the presence of the trade union of the workers category, especially due the lack of instruments to verify the unions representativeness.

Cette thèse vise à comprendre comment les acteurs concernés par un drame collectif de grande ampleur, ici le scandale de l’amiante, tentent de se mettre d’accord quant à ce qui constitue une juste réparation des dommages engendrés. Le scandale de l’amiante a donné naissance à des innovations au niveau de l’indemnisation des victimes, avec la création d’un Fonds d’indemnisation (le Fiva), et la rénovation du dispositif de la « faute inexcusable de l’Employeur » devant les Tribunaux des Affaires Sanitaires et Sociales. Ces innovations ont questionné le système d’indemnisation traditionnel des Accidents du Travail et des Maladies Professionnelles, système consistant en une indemnisation forfaitaire reposant sur un système de gestion paritaire. Il s’agit alors de comprendre comment les dispositifs d’indemnisation qui font suite à un scandale sanitaire coexistent avec les dispositifs issus de l’État-Providence mis en place en 1946, et comment ces différents dispositifs permettent l’expression de différents types de citoyenneté. Afin de répondre à ces questions, la thèse s’attache à décrire les évaluations normatives portées par les acteurs sur les dispositifs d’indemnisation, ainsi que la manière dont ces évaluations se confrontent les unes aux autres. Fondée essentiellement sur des entretiens avec les acteurs concernés et sur des ethnographies d’associations locales, la thèse articule trois niveaux d’analyse :Les acteurs institutionnels qui ont participé à la création ou à la rénovation des dispositifs d’indemnisation des maladies de l’amiante (représentants syndicaux et associatifs, avocats, représentants patronaux, représentants des pouvoirs publics). La thèse montre comment les acteurs attribuent différentes finalités aux dispositifs d’indemnisations et évaluent différemment leurs principes de fonctionnement. Elle met en évidence une fracture importante entre représentants syndicaux et associatifs qu’elle tente d’expliquer.Les associations locales visent à aider les personnes à obtenir indemnisation. La thèse s’attache à décrire la diversité des modes de structuration et de fonctionnement de ces associations, qui émanent de communautés variées, et montre l’influence de cette diversité sur la manière dont elles viennent en aide aux victimes.Les parcours d’indemnisation des victimes elles-mêmes et des ayants droit sont ensuite analysés, en s’attachant à mettre l’accent sur la diversité des manières dont ceux-ci formulent ce qui leur arrive, expriment des reproches, et réclament réparation. La thèse met en évidence l’influence de la carrière des personnes et des associations locales sur leurs itinéraires. / In this dissertation I aim to understand how actors affected by a major collective drama, here the asbestos scandal, try to reach agreement on what constitutes a fair compensation of the harms that have been caused. The asbestos scandal has given birth to innovations in the way victims are compensated, through the creation of a Compensation Fund (the Fiva) and the renewal of the procedure of « Faute inexcusable de l’employeur ». These innovations have come to question the traditional compensation system for Work-Related Accidents and Illnesses, which consisted of a lump-sum compensation based on a system of joint management between representatives of trade-unions and employers. The objective is to understand how compensation mechanisms that are created following a public health scandal coexist with mechanisms grounded in the welfare state that were put into place back in 1946, and how these different mechanisms allow the expression of different types of citizenship. In order to respond to these questions, the dissertation describes the normative evaluations expressed by different actors on these compensation mechanisms, as well as the way in which these evaluations confront each other. The dissertation is based mainly on interviews with the involved actors and on ethnographies of local associations, and articulates three analytical levels:The institutional actors that have participated in the creation or renovation of compensation mechanisms of asbestos-related diseases (union and association representatives, lawyers, employer representatives, government agents). The dissertation shows how actors attribute different ends to the compensation mechanisms and evaluate their principles and functioning differently. The thesis brings to light an important divide between union representatives and associations, which it tries to explain. Local associations seek to aid persons in obtaining compensation. The dissertation describes the diversity in the structuration and mode of functioning of these associations, that emanate from different types of communities, and shows the influence of this diversity on the way in which these associations provide aid to victims. Finally, the compensation paths of victims themselves and beneficiaries are analyzed, accentuating the diversity of ways in which they name what is happening to them, in how they express blame, and in how they claim compensation. The dissertation brings to light the influence of persons’ careers and of local associations on the itineraries they pursue.