[pt] O aumento do crime organizado transnacional nas últimas três décadas fez com que as autoridades mundiais procurassem novos meios de enfrentar, reprimir e punir organizações cada vez mais poderosas. A soberania estatal impede a intervenção de terceiros nos assuntos internos dos Estados, mesmo quando se trata de delitos de repercussão internacional, impossibilitando a criação um órgão supranacional dotados de poderes para investigar e punir esses delitos. A única resposta encontrada pelos Estados foi o incremento dos tipos e da quantidade de medidas de cooperação internacional em matéria penal. Para isso, fez-se necessário rever os métodos tradicionais de cooperação judicial, outorgando às autoridades encarregadas da persecução penal maior autonomia para cooperar diretamente, sem intervenção judicial. No Brasil, mesmo que de forma mais vagarosa que no resto do mundo, o mesmo vai acontecendo. A tese propõe que a Constituição da República, da legislação infraconstitucional e dos tratados internacionais, que regulam a cooperação em matéria criminal celebrados pelo Brasil, revelam que o Ministério Público Brasileiro, em especial o Ministério Público Federal, tem o dever de cooperar com as autoridades estrangeiras no combate à criminalidade transnacional. É o Ministério Público o principal ator da persecução penal, sendo-lhe inerente papel a atribuição de realizar atos de cooperação internacional. Decisões recentes do Supremo Tribunal Federal e do Superior Tribunal de Justiça negaram a validade de atos de cooperação direta. Apesar disso, persistem fortes argumentos a favor da cooperação pelo MP, mesmo quando a medida solicitada pelo Estado estrangeiro depender da autorização dos órgãos da base do Poder Judiciário. / [en] In the last three decades the world has seen an astonishing rise in transnational organized crime, a challenge that made the International Society search for new ways to prosecute organizations that seem to grow more powerful every day. In International Society, each and every State is an independent and sovereign entity, which means that no other State or international entity may meddle in another Stat s internal affairs. This means that the prosecution of transnational crime cannot be entrusted to an international organ, nor can a State pretend to pursue an offender into another s territory. To overcome this barrier, new and faster methods of international cooperation have been adopted with authorities being granted a greater degree of autonomy to perform acts of mutual legal assistance. The same phenomenon is occurring in Brazil, although in a much slower pace. This doctoral dissertation seeks to establish that the Constitution, Brazilian procedural and criminal laws, and the international treaties to which Brazil is party assign to the Ministério Público - MP, as the autonomous government office in charge of criminal prosecution, the task to assist international authorities in prosecuting transnational crime. Specially at the Federal level, the Ministério Público is the main actor in the investigation and judicial prosecution of criminals, however recent decisions reached by the Supremo Tribunal Federal and the Superior Tribunal de Justiça, Brazil s highest courts, have voided acts of direct cooperation by judicial authorities, raising a lot of questions about the possibility of mutual legal assistance acts by Brazilian authorities. That notwithstanding, there are several arguments which were not presented to those courts that clearly show that the MP has a crucial role to play in international cooperation in criminal matters.

Over the last four decades organized crime groups, particularly, drug trafficking organizations or drug cartels, have managed to be under the spotlight of the security agendas of American countries such as Colombia and the United States. During the last two decades, however, the global securitization of the drug trafficking issue, has led them to become a major security threat not only for the Americas, but also for Europe and more recently for West African countries. These organizations pose a threat not only to the security of the state, but to the very essence of it, by corrupting and damaging everything they come in contact with at the political, social, economical and even cultural level. This graduate thesis presents an analysis on Latin American drug trafficking organizations or drugs cartels, as they are commonly known, focusing on the cases of Colombian and Mexican drug cartels. By comparing these two case studies, I suggest that today's Mexican drug trafficking organizations have gained their momentum and incommensurable strength by following the footsteps of the big three Colombian drug cartels that existed between the 1980s and 1990s. The first chapter will expose the definitions and concepts surrounding the research of organized crime. In the second and third chapters, both the...

台灣立法者對於多數人犯罪，所採取的解決方式是訂立「組織犯罪防制條例」及「檢肅流氓條例」加以因應。組織犯罪防制法於1996年訂立以來，迄今已逾10年，從未見任何文獻探討該立法之成效如何。本文參照聯合國打擊組織性犯罪公約、德國與日本對於多數人犯罪的立法模式，並檢驗我國立法院公報及檢索相關司法判決後，逐步歸納上述各國的立法模式並檢討其利弊。最後提出兩種立法模式，以期為未來修法之參考。 / When Legislators facing multiple crimes/group crimes, their approach to resolve this matter is to enforce the“Organized Crime Prevention Act” and “Gangster Prevention Act”. Organized Crime Prevention Act has been enacted since 1996, but for the past years, no one has examined whether the effects of the Acts correspond with the legislative purposes. In this Article, by referring to“United Nations Convention against Transnational Organized Crime”, as well as German and Japanese legislation mode on multiple crimes/group crimes, also examining “The Legislative Yuan Gazette of Republic of China” and the relevant judgments of the judicial organ, the author takes steps to categorize the above-mentioned legislations from different countries and compares the advantages and disadvantages thereof. Finally the author reproduces two suggestions on legislative models, which hopefully can be used as reference for future legislation amendment of the above mentioned Acts.

Au cours de cette étude, nous avons cherché à déterminer l’implication de Washington dans la sécurité de l’Indonésie. Nous nous sommes demandé comment les États-Unis pouvaient revenir dans le jeu politico-sécuritaire indonésien par le biais d’une cause devenue commune, la sécurité maritime. Après avoir examiné l’historique de la relation de l’Indonésie avec l’élément maritime et l’émergence de menaces liées au domaine maritime, nous avons conclu que la sécurisation du domaine maritime apparaît alors comme un leitmotiv sécuritaire commun pour Washington et Jakarta. Confrontée aux errements de la coopération régionale et aux difficultés relatives à sa géographie et à son déficit capacitaire, la sécurisation du domaine maritime indonésien passe donc par l’implication d’un acteur extérieur. En réussissant à convaincre leurs homologues de Jakarta de la nécessité de sécuriser le domaine maritime, les hommes et femmes du Ministère de la Défense, du Département d’État et des administrations américaines ont permis à Washington de revenir dans le jeu sécuritaire indonésien par le biais d’une coopération devenue essentielle pour les deux partenaires. / In this study, we tried to determine the exact level of involvement of Washington in Indonesia’s security. We wondered how United States could go back in Indonesian political and security games through a common cause, maritime security.. After considering indonesian maritime history and the rise of threats to maritime domain, we concluded that the securitisation of maritime realm appears as a security leitmotiv for both Washington and Jakarta. Facing with the vagaries of regional cooperation and with difficulties related to the archipelagic geography of the country and the lack of capacity, securising indonesian maritime domain requires the involvement of an external actor. By succeeding in persuading their counterparts in Jakarta of the necessity of securing the maritime domain, men and women of the U.S. Department of Defense, State Department and other agencies have allowed Washington to be back into Indonesia’s security game through an all-out cooperation.

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