Sondage post-électoral de l'élection canadienne de 2019 / Ce mémoire vise à comprendre la place que la lutte aux changements climatiques a occupée lors de l’élection fédérale de 2019, considérée par plusieurs comme ayant déterminé par l’attitude des électeurs à propos des changements climatiques. Il analyse la relation entre le comportement électoral et les ramifications climatiques, incarnée par les enjeux de la taxe carbone et les oléoducs, qui clivent la classe politique et qui ont servi d’explication à la suite de la victoire du Parti libéral du Canada de Justin Trudeau. Certains commentateurs politiques – d’Ouest en Est - ont avancé que pour la première fois dans l’histoire canadienne, une élection canadienne a été le théâtre d’un référendum sur les changements climatiques. D’autres ont annoncé le grand gagnant de l’élection ne fût pas tant le gouvernement sortant de Justin Trudeau, et encore moins la formation conservatrice défaite dirigée par Andrew Scheer, mais bien celle de de la taxe carbone adoptée par le gouvernement fédéral dans le Cadre pancanadien sur la croissance propre et les changements climatiques en 2017. / This paper aims to understand the place that the climate change took in the 2019 federal election, considered by many to have determined voters' attitudes to climate change. It analyzes the relationship between electoral behavior and climate ramifications, embodied in the carbon tax and oil pipeline issues that split the political class and served as an explanation for the victory of Justin Trudeau's Liberal Party of Canada. Some political commentators from West to East argued that for the first time in Canadian history, a Canadian election was the scene of a referendum on climate change. Others announced that the big winner of the election was notJustin Trudeau's outgoing government, nor the defeated Conservative formation led by Andrew Scheer, but the carbon tax adopted by the federal government in the 2017 Pan-Canadian Framework on Clean Growth and Climate Change.

Tableau d’honneur de la Faculté des études supérieures et postdoctorales, 2004-2005 / Ce mémoire de maîtrise explore la façon par laquelle les intellectuels et figures publiques au Québec français ont abordé l'histoire constitutionnelle canadienne entre 1980 et 1995 comme un chapitre du grand récit national des Québécois. Exploitant les outils de la postmodernité, de l'analyse des discours et de l'approche constructiviste de l'identité et de la nation, le mémoire explore les significations et la fonction narrative de Pierre Elliott Trudeau comme figure archétypale du traître à la nation québécoise à travers un vaste canon de littérature politique publiée entre 1987 et 1995. / This Master's Thesis aims to examine the way by which Franco-Québec intellectuals and public figures have approached Canadian constitutional history between 1980 and 1995 as a narrative of Québec nationhood. Using the post-modernist tool-kit of discourse analysis and the constructivist approach to identity and nationhood, the essay explores the meanings and narrative function of Pierre Elliott Trudeau as an archetypal traitor figure to the Québec nation throughout a large canon of narrative, political writings published between 1987 and 1995. / Québec Université Laval, Bibliothèque 2014

Ce mémoire vise à comprendre comment, par la représentation de politiciens en tant que personnalités publiques « célèbres », se pose un ensemble d’enjeux de pouvoir. L’analyse de la récurrence et des particularités de ces représentations, qui circulent dans et à travers le discours, permet de mieux comprendre comment s’exerce le pouvoir par, entre autres, la naturalisation. Cette recherche s’appuie principalement sur les concepts de représentation proposé par Hall (1997) et de pouvoir élaboré par Foucault. Le cas de Justin Trudeau, objet d’un ensemble de discours de célébrité produits à travers le discours médiatique à l’occasion de la course à la chefferie du Parti libéral du Canada (PLC), constitue un terrain riche pour l’analyse. Dans un premier temps, les représentations existantes et en circulation dans des textes médiatiques portant et produisant diverses significations sont analysées discursivement. Dans un deuxième temps, l’analyse s’attarde aux savoirs que ces représentations participent à produire et aux effets de pouvoir qu’elles induisent. Il est alors possible de comprendre que les représentations dont fait l’objet le politicien célèbre d’aujourd’hui sont organisées par la filiation et que ce mode d’organisation procède à la fois de la biographisation et de l’hétéronormativité. / This master’s thesis aims to understand how, by the representation of politicians as public individual celebrities, arise power issues. The analysis of recurrence patterns and particularities of those representations, which circulate through discourse, enable a better understanding of how power is exercised by, among other things, naturalization. This research is supported by Hall’s (1997) concept of representation and Foucault’s definition of power. The case of Justin Trudeau, object of celebrity discourses produced through media discourse at the time of the Liberal Party of Canada Leadership contest, was a prolific ground for analysis. Firstly, existing and circulating representations by media texts producing diverse significations are discursively analysed. Secondly, the analysis is concerned with knowledge these representations participate to produce and with power effects they induce. It is then possible to understand that representations which produce today’s celebrity politician are organised by filiation which proceed through biographisation and heteronormativity.

Canadian multiculturalism policy is often said to have come about in 1971 because of factors such as the Royal Commission on Bilingualism and Biculturalism, the multicultural movement of the 1960s, or the more liberal political and social climate of the postwar period. While all of these played roles in the emergence of “multiculturalism within a bilingual framework,” this dissertation takes the approach that the federal civil service was the most important factor behind the adoption of a federal multiculturalism policy in Canada. The author makes the case that the Canadian state had adopted multiculturalism policy and programs as early as the 1950s. A small branch of Government, known as the Canadian Citizenship Branch sought to integrate members of ethnic minority communities into the mainstream of Canadian life, but also sought to reassure native-born Canadians that these “New Canadians” had vital contributions to make to Canadian culture. This dissertation shows how this state discourse intersected with the more familiar elements associated with the rise of multiculturalism, such as the multicultural movement, and ultimately coalesced in 1971 with the announcement by Prime Minister Pierre Elliott Trudeau of a “new” state multiculturalism policy. / Graduate / 0334 / blanding@uvic.ca

Canadian multiculturalism policy is often said to have come about in 1971 because of factors such as the Royal Commission on Bilingualism and Biculturalism, the multicultural movement of the 1960s, or the more liberal political and social climate of the postwar period. While all of these played roles in the emergence of “multiculturalism within a bilingual framework,” this dissertation takes the approach that the federal civil service was the most important factor behind the adoption of a federal multiculturalism policy in Canada. The author makes the case that the Canadian state had adopted multiculturalism policy and programs as early as the 1950s. A small branch of Government, known as the Canadian Citizenship Branch sought to integrate members of ethnic minority communities into the mainstream of Canadian life, but also sought to reassure native-born Canadians that these “New Canadians” had vital contributions to make to Canadian culture. This dissertation shows how this state discourse intersected with the more familiar elements associated with the rise of multiculturalism, such as the multicultural movement, and ultimately coalesced in 1971 with the announcement by Prime Minister Pierre Elliott Trudeau of a “new” state multiculturalism policy. / Graduate / 0334 / blanding@uvic.ca

This paper explores the issues underlying the Scott v. Canada veteran class action lawsuit. In particular it seeks to provide context to these issues by examining the cultural and legal structure of the Canadian military, the historic developments of veteran benefits in Canada, and the difficulties veterans face navigating the institutions that disseminate these benefits. The Scott v. Canada veteran class action lawsuit was launched against the Federal Government in 2012, in response to the Canadian Forces Members and Veterans Re-establishment and Compensation Act (the “New Veterans Charter”), which replaced the disability pension regime for many Canadian Forces Members and veterans under the Pension Act. / Graduate