La dynamique de recherche de nouveaux facteurs de développement constitue le souci le plus délicat pour la Tunisie. L’investissement étranger à travers le principe : laissez-investir, est un remède adéquat du syndrome de sous-développement. Pour la Tunisie, la protection des investissements est le facteur prépondérant. Elle a pris des mesures concernant aussi bien le cadre institutionnel que les conditions économiques ou la facilitation des affaires.Les principales actions de promotion de l’investissement menées par la Tunisie sont l’offre d’avantages financiers et fiscaux, la communication (publicité, etc.) et la création d’agences chargées de faciliter l’établissement des investisseurs étrangers. L’acceptation, enfin, de la Tunisie de ‘‘renoncer’’ à une partie de sa souveraineté constitue l’obéissance parfaite aux exigences de la mondialisation et la réponse solennelle aux revendications du développement endo-exogène. L’acceptation, par la Tunisie, d’être jugée par un particulier devant une institution juridictionnelle régionale ou arbitrale internationale reflète l’harmonie, par excellence, avec les dictats du nouvel ordre économique international (NOEI).La Tunisie n’est plus à la marge de la société économique mondiale, elle est plutôt dans le coeur de l’évènement, elle s’est internationalisée, globalisée et mondialisée. / The dynamic of research of new factors of development is the main concern for Tunisia. The foreign investment through the principle: Let Invest, ‘’LAISSER-INVESTIR” is the appropriate remedy for the syndrome of under-development. For Tunisia, the investment protection is the major factor. It had taken measures concerning the institutional framework as well as the economic conditions or the business facilitation. The main promotion actions of investments conducted by Tunisia are financial and fiscal incentives, communication (advertisement, etc.) and the setting up of investment promotion agencies to facilitate the establishment of foreign investors. Finally, the acceptance of Tunisia to relinquish a part of its sovereignty is a perfect obedience to the demands of globalization and a solemn answer to the claim of the endogenous/exogenous development. The acceptation of Tunisia to be judged by an individual before one regional judicial institution or an international arbitration reflects the harmony with excellence with the dictates of the New International Economic Order (NIEO). Tunisia is not at outside the global economic society, but rather in the heart of the event. She becomes globalized and internationalized.

Cette étude vise à apporter une première approche critique de l’ensemble des œuvres littéraires des Italiens émigrés en Tunisie. À mi-chemin entre colonisateurs et colonisés, mais confrontés à l’acculturation française, les Italiens de Tunisie revendiquent leur identité, leur langue et leur culture ancestrales. De quelle façon la nouvelle Rome pourra racheter l’Afrique « latine » et enfin reconquérir Carthage, que la France coloniale a usurpée, au détriment de l’Italie en imposant un protectorat ?Il s’agira dans un premier temps d’analyser l’émergence d’une écriture sui generis intimement liée à la présence d’une colonie d’expatriés réclamant l’héritage d’un passé lointain dont les vestiges ont façonné les paysages d’un pays qui représente, à bien des égards, une terre promise. Quelle est la mission de cette écriture tunisienne multiculturelle et d’expression allogène, aux marges des littératures française et italienne ?Dans le débat culturel qui se développe entre Français et Italiens, quelles sont les réflexions des uns et des autres au sujet de la question identitaire, de l’interprétation de l’Histoire, des multiples expérimentations littéraires ? Il sera question aussi d’étudier les différentes représentations de la Tunisie coloniale, de la communauté italienne et de la rencontre de l’Autre à travers séparations et partages. Quelles images d’un univers colonial au carrefour de la France, de l’Italie et de la Tunisie retiendrons-nous de ces écrits variés ?Les principaux textes analysés, au nombre de dix-huit, ont été rédigés par Antonio Corpora, Menotti Corsini, Francesco Cucca, Federico De Maria, Luigi De Paolis, Ercole Labronio, Cesare Luccio, Vito Magliocco, Guido Medina, Adrien Salmieri, Francesco Santoliquido, Giuseppe Sicurella, Mario Scalesi et Clarice Tartufari. / This study aims to provide a critical approach to literary works of Italians immigrated to Tunisia. Halfway between colonizers and colonized and having to face with French acculturation, Italians in Tunisia claim their ancestral identity, their language and culture. By what means the new Rome may redeem "Latin" Africa and finally win Carthage that colonial France usurped with the imposition of a protectorate, at the expense of Italy?First of all we will analyse the emergence of a sui generis literature closely linked to the presence of an expatriate colony claiming the legacy of a distant past whose remains have shaped the landscape of a country that is, in many ways, a promised land. What is the mission of an allogeneic multicultural Tunisian writing at the margins of French and Italian literatures?In the cultural debate that takes place between French and Italians, what are the respective arguments about identity, interpretation of history and the multiple literary experiments? This study also concerns the different representations of colonial Tunisia, the images of the Italian colony and the encounter with the other, through separations and shares. What pictures of a colonial world suspended between France, Italy and Tunisia emerged from these scattered works? The texts examined were written by Antonio Corpora, Menotti Corsini, Francesco Cucca, Federico De Maria, Luigi De Paolis, Ercole Labronio, Cesare Luccio, Vito Magliocco, Guido Medina, Adrien Salmieri, Francesco Santoliquido, Giuseppe Sicurella, Mario Scalesi and Clarice Tartufari.

The diploma thesis deals with the regime change in the context of the Arab Spring 2011 with focus on Tunisia, Egypt and Syria. The aim of the thesis is to determine factors causing different progress towards political reforms in each country. Theoretical framework is provided by characteristics of undemocratic regimes, transitions to democracy and democracy itself. Each country is introduced from the historical point of view with focus on the 20th century, especially current methods of the governance. Several conclusions are made based on analytical -- synthetical method of reviewing historical, political and socioeconomical factors determining the domestic situation in compared countries and explaining their influence on different transition progress towards the new political system.

Les recherches menées dans cette étude se situent dans le cadre de l’analyse du volontarisme étatique dans l’accélération du processus d’égalité entre les femmes et les hommes. Notre postulat de départ est que l'émancipation de la femme en Tunisie émane d'une volonté politique impulsée depuis le haut par le pouvoir tunisien par le biais d’une réforme juridique. Nous défendons l’idée selon laquelle le rapport entre l’État et la question féminine en Tunisie demeure indissociable. La libération des Tunisiennes ayant été portée par le dirigisme étatique dans le cadre d’un régime de type autoritaire, il nous a semblé important de chercher à comprendre et à expliquer les paradoxes de ce projet autoritaire de modernisation ainsi que les dynamiques sociales et les tensions qui en résultent. Notre réflexion s’est constituée autour d’un deuxième axe, à savoir le rapport complexe qu’entretient le régime autoritaire tunisien avec la question féminine. Nous avons ainsi émis l’hypothèse que les raisons de l’engagement du régime dépassent la simple émancipation des femmes ou l’instauration d’une égalité entre les sexes pour s’inscrire dans une logique de contrôle, de répression, et dans un rapport clientéliste. Cette partie constitue une critique du féminisme d’État en Tunisie et de la manière avec laquelle il monopolise la question féminine. Nous en sommes venus à analyser la monopolisation de la cause féminine par le régime tunisien ainsi que les réactions et/ou les mobilisations des femmes et leur opposition à cette politique féministe autoritaire. / The research conducted in this study is part of the analysis of state voluntarism in accelerating the process of equality between women and men. Our starting postulate is that the emancipation of women in Tunisia comes from a political will, driven from the top by the Tunisian power through a legal reform. We are defending the idea that the link between the state and the women's issue in Tunisia remains inseparable. The liberation of Tunisian women has been directed by state as part of an authoritarian regime, therefore we thought it was important trying to understand and explain the paradoxes of this authoritarian project of modernization along with social dynamics and tensions resulting from it. Our reflection was built around a second approach, that is the complex link between the Tunisian authoritarian regime and the women’s issue. We thus hypothesized that the reasons for the regime's commitment go over the simple emancipation of women or the establishment of gender equality in order to fit into a logic of control, repression, and in a clientelist relation. This part forms a criticism of the state feminism and of the way it monopolizes the women’s issue. We finally analyzed how the Tunisian regime monopolize the women's cause and we studied the reactions and / or mobilizations of women as well as their opposition to this authoritarian feminist policy.

In this master thesis I deal with civil society organizations in Tunisia with a focus on women's rights. Firstly, I present the conceptual frameworks I work with and I set the indicators on the basis of which I assess the organization. I present context in which organisations are operating, I describe the history of Tunisia and the state of women's rights in Tunisia. First I focus on the period before the first democratic elections, between 1987 and 2011, when president Zin Abidin bin Ali ruled. Then I move on to the period after the first democratic elections, which took place in 2011, until 2018. Subsequently, I compare the functioning of civil society organisations with a focus on women's rights in these two periods. I discuss what organizations have to deal with during their operation, what influences them and what problems they concentrate on within the framework of women's rights. I collect information and data using document analysis, and then analyze the data with open coding.

La Tunisie est un État d’Afrique du Nord appartenant à l’Union du Maghreb Arabe. Malgré sa petite superficie par rapport aux pays voisins, elle possède un patrimoine riche et diversifié. Grâce à son emplacement géographique, le patrimoine en question est l’héritage des différentes civilisations qui se sont installées dans le pays durant son histoire. Le pays est constitué de 24 gouvernorats dont chacun présente des savoir-faire artisanaux ancestraux profondément spécifiques, identitaires et uniques à chaque région. Toutefois, en dépit de la richesse du patrimoine tunisien et de son potentiel socio-économique, l’artisanat tunisien connaît une situation difficile depuis la crise économique du printemps arabe en 2011. Dans le but de préserver l’héritage culturel matériel et immatériel du pays, ainsi qu’encourager son développement socio-économique, des collaborations entre designer et artisan s’organisant autour de la création de produits contemporains inspirés des savoirs et savoir-faire ancestraux locaux sont fortement encouragées par le gouvernement et l’office national de l’artisanat tunisien. Cette étude explore les enjeux, la portée et les limites de ce type de collaboration. Dans un premier temps, elle répertorie différentes stratégies mises en oeuvre à travers le monde, avec un focus particulier sur le cas de la Tunisie, pour préserver l’héritage culturel. Dans un second temps, elle s’intéresse plus précisément au rapport designer-artisan en s’appuyant sur la littérature et une enquête de terrain. Des entretiens auprès de trois designers oeuvrant dans de petites et moyennes entreprises tunisiennes et de huit artisans ayant collaboré avec eux ont été réalisés. Des entrevues supplémentaires avec trois artisanes ont suivi, afin de mieux documenter leurs diverses expériences. Leurs dynamiques collaboratives sont caractérisées par de nombreux écueils. Il existe entre ces acteurs une importante différence de points de vue et de visions concernant la contribution de chacun. / Tunisia is a North African state belonging to the Arab Maghreb Union. Despite its small size compared to its neighboring countries, it has a rich and diversified heritage. Thanks to its geographical location, the heritage in question is the legacy of the different civilizations that settled in the country during its history. The country is made up of 24 governorates, each of them have an ancestral craft skill that are deeply specific, identity-based and unique. However, despite the richness of the Tunisian heritage and its socio-economic potential, Tunisian handicrafts are experiencing a difficult situation since the economic crisis of the Arab Spring in 2011. The government and the National Office of Tunisian Handicrafts strongly encourage the collaborations between designers and craftsmen that are organized along the creation of contemporary products inspired by local ancestral knowledge and know-how. These endeavours are made to preserve the country's tangible and intangible cultural heritage, also to encourage its socio-economic development. This research explores the issues, scope and limits of this collaboration. First of all, it identifies different strategies implemented around the world, with a particular focus on Tunisia, to preserve cultural heritage. Then, it looks more specifically at the designer-craftsmen relationship, based on literature and a field survey. Interviews have been realised with three designer’s owner of SME in Tunisia and eight craftsmen who have been collaborated with them. Additional interviews with three craftswomen followed, to better document their various experiences. Their collaborative dynamics are characterized by many pitfalls. Indeed, there are different point of views and visions between these actors regarding the contribution of each.

Normative Power Europe theory presented by Ian Manners defines the European Union as a normative actor in international relations. According to him, EU's ability to change what passes for "normal" in international relations originates from its internal set-up which the EU uses to shape its environment and international norms in its own image. After first studying Manner's tripartite analysis and defining normative goals, means and impact of the normative policy, the thesis then proceeds to test normative theory in the European neighbourhood, particularly in the Euro-Mediterranean Partnership, by analysing EU's democracy and human rights promotion in Tunisia. It identifies discrepancy between EU's goals and means and discovers that on the one side, Euro-Mediterranean cooperation improves socio-economic development, however on the other it impedes the political one. This finding reflects incoherence and inconsistency of the EU's policies in the Mediterranean and arrives to the conclusion that EU is not a normative power in its neighbourhood policy.

Why do revolutions happen? What role do structures, institutions, and actors play in precipitating (or preventing) them? Finally, What might compel social mobilization against a regime in the face of potentially insurmountable odds? These questions are all fundamentally about state-society (strategic) interactions, and elite and societal preference formation over time. The self-immolation of Muhammad Bouazizi in Sidi Bouzid on December 17, 2010, served as a focal point upon which over twenty years of corrupt, coercive authoritarian rule were focused into a single, unified challenge to the Ben Ali regime. The regime's brutality was publicized via social media activism and satellite television, precipitating mass mobilization across Tunisia and, eventually, throughout the region and beyond. In light of the rapid and unforeseen nature of these events, scholars writing about the causes of the Arab Spring have focused their critiques on scholarship that they felt overemphasized the role of institutions and elite-level actors over 'under the radar' changes within society. This paper essentially agrees with this point of view, but is not content to simply 'throw out' institutionalism. As Timur Kuran (1991) argued in the wake of the unforeseen collapse of communism in Eastern Europe, one cannot understand revolution without understanding the 'true' preferences of social actors. In this way, the inevitability of revolutionary surprises seems a given so long as analysts continue to look from the top-down. Yet, this paper contends that institutions do still matter. They matter because different institutional arrangements incentivize and constrain regime strategies, which, in turn, inform the strategic calculations and preference orderings within society. These two societal variables are determined - in part - by the degree of regime flexibility, and they affect whether, how, and where social actors choose to vent their dissent. This paper proposes a model for the development of contentious social mobilization under authoritarianism. In order to do so, two models - one game-theoretic, and the other rooted in the contentious politics subfield of political sociology - are synthesized toward elucidating how altered societal preferences affect strategic interactions between the regime and society over time and during acute contentious episodes. The synthesized model is then illustrated through narrative case studies of two North African states that experienced divergent outcomes in the wake of the Arab Spring: Tunisia and Morocco. The limited spaces and institutions for the expression of dissent in Tunisia gradually changed societal preferences over time. In 2010, Tunisians' preferences shifted from various socioeconomic demands and other issue-specific grievances toward a galvanized demand for the fall of the regime. In Morocco, on the other hand, social actors, by and large, continued to prefer limited reforms to a complete upheaval of the political system. This paper contends that this divergence in preferences and therefore outcomes was in part determined by the variation in the two regimes' respective strategic mixes of concessions and/or coercion. To the extent that such strategies and institutions were more flexible - i.e. were more permissive of (limited) political contention and contestation - social movements were less likely to become emboldened against the regime.

The people in Tunisia demanded democracy and civil liberties, which led to large-scale demonstrations against the Tunisian regime in December 2010. The demonstrations against the authoritarian regime was considered to be the beginning of the Arab Spring. Of all states that was affected by the Arabic Spring, Tunisia became that one country that succeeded their transition from an authoritarian state to a democratic one. In order to analyze why Tunisia became a democratic state, this study aims to clarify what factors that affected the democratization process. Through the theoretical framework of Samuel P. Huntington, the factors that affected the third wave democratization are used in this study in order to analyze the Tunisian democratization and transition. Through analyzation; deepening legitimacy problems of the regime and economic growth was considered to affect the Tunisian democratization. Actions of external actors partly affected the country’s democratization. However, religious changes and snowballing effects was considered not to have an impact on the democratization and transition towards democracy.

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