Esta dissertação analisa o resultado da COP 21, que aconteceu em Paris no ano de 2015, através da capacidade que as coalizões domésticas, dentro de China e Estados Unidos, tiveram em influenciar a política climática durante o período que vai de 1992 até 2015. É através da identificação das coalizões domésticas (ambiental e pó-desenvolvimento econômico) que buscamos explicar como o processo político doméstico, nos dois países, foi moldado a partir das articulações e interações entre os grupos que compõe as coalizões. Até a COP 21, a política climática global parecia não avançar em vistas a uma solução do aquecimento global, a COP 15 é referenciada neste trabalho como o fracasso dos acordos climáticos, no entanto, 5 anos mais tarde, em 2015, juntos EUA e China, o dois maiores emissores da atualidade, anunciam suas metas de redução dos gases de efeito estufa. O que explica essa mudança de posicionamento, segundo a hipótese deste trabalho, é o amadurecimento e a articulação das coalizões doméstica dentro dos dois países, em primeiro lugar, e os acordos bilaterais que ambos promoveram entre os anos de 2009 e 2015 para trata das questões climáticas fora do sistema ONU de tomada d decisão. O resultado encontrado é que de fato, até 2009, a coalizão pró-desenvolvimento econômico conseguiu que sua influencia no processo político da condução da politica climática prevalecesse, no entanto, do período posterior a 2009 até 2015, pudemos ver que a coalizão ambiental conseguiu que sua influencia causasse, inclusive, um transbordamento para a arena internacional. / This essay analyze the COP 21 outcomes, that was held in Paris in 2015, through the domestic coalitions capacity, inside China and USA, had to influence the climate policy during the period that goes from 1992 until 2015. It is through the identification of domestic (environmental and economic development) coalitions that we seek to explain how the domestic political process, in both countries, was shaped by the articulations and interactions between the groups that make up the coalitions. Until COP 21, global climate policy did not seem to advance towards a solution to global warming, COP 15 is referred to, in this paper, as the failure of climate agreements, however, 5 years later in 2015, U.S and China together, the two largest emitters today, announce their targets for reducing greenhouse gases. What explains this change of position, according to the hypothesis of this work, is that the maturation and articulation of domestic coalitions within both countries, first, and the bilateral agreements that both promoted between the years of 2009 and 2015 to deal with the climate change issues outside of the UN system of decision-making. The result was that in fact, until 2009, the economic development coalition had its influence on the political process of climate policy prevailing, however, from the period after 2009 until 2015, we could see that the environmental coalition succeeded in its influence would even cause an overflow to the international arena.

The study designs and constructs a three-phase to three-phase direct AC&ndash / AC matrix converter based surface mounted permanent magnet synchronous motor (PMSM) drive system. First, the matrix converter topologies are analyzed and the state-space equations describing the system have been derived in terms of the input and output variables. After that, matrix converter commutation and modulation methods are investigated. A four-step commutation technique based on output current direction provides safe commutation between the matrix converter switches. Then, the matrix converter is simulated for both the open-loop and the closed-loop control. For the closed-loop control, a current regulator (PI controller) controls the output currents and their phase angles. Advanced pulse width modulation and control techniques, such as space vector pulse width modulation and field oriented control, have been used for the closed-loop control of the system. Next, a model of diode-rectified two-level voltage source inverter is developed for simulations. A comparative study of indirect space vector modulated direct matrix converter and space vector modulated diode-rectified two-level voltage source inverter is given in terms of input/output waveforms to verify that the matrix converter fulfills the two-level voltage source inverter operation. Following the verification of matrix converter operation comparing with the diode-rectified two-level voltage source inverter, the simulation model of permanent magnet motor drive system is implemented. Also, a direct matrix converter prototype is constructed for experimental verifications of the results. As a first step in experimental works, filter types are investigated and a three-phase input filter is constructed to reduce the harmonic pollution. Then, direct matrix converter power circuitry and gate-driver circuitry are designed and constructed. To control the matrix switches, the control algorithm is implemented using a DSP and a FPGA. This digital control system measures the output currents and the input voltages with the aid of sensors and controls the matrix converter switches to produce the required PWM pattern to synthesize the reference input current and output voltage vectors, as well. Finally, the simulation results are tested and supported by laboratory experiments involving both an R-L load and a permanent magnet synchronous motor load. During the tests, the line-to-line supply voltage is set to 26 V peak value and a 400 V/3.5 kW surface mounted permanent magnet motor is used.

本論文主要研究台灣學生本土宣言與香港學生宣言的相似處，且提供了此兩社群跨國界合作的機會。香港與台灣兩地的活動家在西元2014年1月13日正式接洽。香港及台灣泛民主團體的學生與政治家在台北舉行為期一周的會談，標誌著倡議民主的雙方首次接觸。 本次爭議以地方來說，主要是反對當地政府，以國際來講，則是反對中華人民共和國。此活動有利於民主、自決與身分認同。因此，兩次社會運動與兩方社群推行相似的目標及面對共同的敵人。會談後，雙方新階段的合作展現於台灣「太陽花學運」和香港「讓愛與和平佔領中環活動」。世界正在目睹跨國家社會運動間，為了加強其宣言力量而興起的趨勢。 本研究論點是基於社會運動影響理論，隨機在羅伯特·普特曼雙層賽局理論中，採用了道格·麥克亞當的集體行動間動態交互模型。該理論框架指出，一個國家的社會運動（香港或台灣）可以作為另一個社會的參考，尋求由地方政府創造「國際機會」（如：反對地方政策或一個國家：中華人民共和國）。這種情況已經出現於2014年9月28日，在香港突然出現的抗議活動。而且，幾乎立刻，近4000人聚集在台北的自由廣場以表支持。這樣一大群人，他們大多數為學生，在如此短的時間內聚集，此現象提供了本論文研究基礎，探討是否此情緒也在台灣學生中蔓延。 / The present thesis argues that the resemblance found between Taiwanese students in their local claims and those of Hong Kong students, has provided an opportunity for both societies to start collaborating at a transnational level. The first formal approach between Hong Kong and Taiwan activists came in January 13, 2014. Pro-democracy groups of students and politicians from Hong Kong and Taiwan gathered in Taipei for a weekend of talks. This marked the first real approach between both democratic advocates. Locally the struggle was directed at the governments and internationally against the PRC. The objectives of these movements favor democracy, identity and self-determination. Therefore, both social movements and societies push for similar objectives and share a common foe. After the meeting a new level of cooperation was reached between the two sides that was shown during the Sunflower movement in Taiwan and the Occupy the Central with Love and Peace OCLP in Hong Kong. The world is witnessing the dawn of a cross-national approach between social movements that seek to strengthen the force of their claims. The argument of the present study is based on the Social Movements Impact theory, using Professor’s Doug McAdam’s dynamic interactive model of a collective action, in a Robert Putman’s "Two Level-game" case of opportunity. This theoretical framework suggests that a social movement of one country (Hong Kong or Taiwan) can be used as a reference the society of another to renew the “international opportunity” (rejection of a local policy or a country: PRC) created by the local government. This case was seen on the on September 28, 2014 when abruptly emerged the protests in Hong Kong and, almost immediately, near four thousand people gathered at Taipei’s Liberty Square to show their support. The fact that such a large group of people, most of them students, gathered in so short period of time, provides the ground for the present study to explore if the sentiment is spread in the Taiwanese student community.

Conventional 2-level inverters have been quite popular in industry for drives applications. It used pulse width modulation techniques to generate a voltage waveform with high quality. For achieving this, it had to switch at high frequencies and also the switching is between 0 and Vdc. Also additional LC filters are required before feeding to a motor. 3-phase IM is the work horse of the industry. Several speed control techniques have been established namely the V/f control technique and for high performance, vector control is adopted. An electric drive system comprises of a rectifier, inverter, a motor and a load. each module is a topic by itself. This thesis work discusses the novel inverter topologies to overcome the demerits of a conventional 2-level inverter or even the basic multilevel topologies, for an electric drive. The word ‘multilevel’ itself signifies that inverter can generate more than two levels. The idea was first originated by Nabae, Takahashi and Akagi to bring an additional voltage level so that the waveform becomes a quasi square wave. This additional voltage level brought additional benefits in terms of reduced dv/dt and requirement of low switching frequency. But this was not without any cost. The inverter structure is slightly more complicated than a 2-level and also required more devices. But the advantage it gave was superior enough to such an extent that the above topology (popularly known as NPC) has become quite popular in industry. This topology was later modified to equalize the semiconductor losses among switches by replacing the clamping diodes with controllable switches and such topologies are popularly known as Active NPCs (ANPCs) because of the replacement of diodes with active switches. 3-level flying capacitors were then introduced where the additional voltage level is provided using charged capacitors. But this capacitor voltage has to be maintained at its nominal value during the inverter operation. An additional floating capacitor, which is an electrolytic capacitor is needed for this. Increasing the number of electrolytic capacitors reduces the reliability of the inverter drive since they are the weakest link in any inverters and its count has to be kept to the minimum. By using a H-bridge cell in each of the three phases, three voltage levels can be easily obtained.This is commonly known as Cascaded H-bridge (CHB) multilevel inverter. The above three topologies have been discussed with respect to generation of three pole voltage levels and these topologies are quite suited also. A higher number of voltage levels will reduce the switching frequency even lesser and also the dv/dt. On increasing the number of levels further and further, finally the inverter need not do any PWM switching and just generating the levels is sufficient enough for a good quality waveform and also low dv/dt. But when the above topologies are scaled for more than three voltage levels, all of them suffer serious drawbacks which is briefly discussed below. The diode clamped inverter (known as NPC if it is 3-level), when extended to more than three levels suffers from the neutral point balancing issue and also the count of clamping diodes increase drastically. FC inverters, when extended beyond 3-level, the number of electrolytic capacitors increases and also balancing of these capacitors to their nominal voltages becomes complicated. In the case of multilevel CHB, when extended beyond 3-level, the requirement of isolated DC sources also increases. To generate isolated supplies, phase shifting transformer and 8, 12 or 24 pulse diode rectifier is needed which increases the weight , size and cost of the drive. Therefore its application is limited. In this thesis, the aim is to develop a novel method to develop a multilevel inverter without the drawbacks faced by the basic multilevel topologies when scaled for higher number of voltage levels. This is done through stacking the basic or hybrid combination of these basic multilevel topologies through selector switches. This method is experimentally verified by stacking two 5-level inverters through a 2-level selector switch (whose switching losses can be minimized through soft cycle commutation). This will generate nine levels.Generating 9-levels through scaling the basic topologies is disadvantageous, the comparison table is provided in the thesis. This is true for any higher voltage level generation. Each of the above 5-level inverter is developed through cascading an FC with a capacitor fed H-bridge. The device count can be reduced by making the FC-CHB module common to the selector switches by shifting the selector switches between the DC link and the common FC-CHB module. Doing so, reduces the modular feature of the drive but the device count can be reduced. The FFT plot at different frequencies of operation and the switching losses of the different modules-FC, CHB and the selector switches are also plotted for different frequencies of operation. The next step is to check whether this method can be extended to any number of stackings for generation of more voltage levels. For this, a 49-level inverter is developed in laboratory by stacking three 17-level inverters. Each of the 17-level inverter is developed by cascading an FC with three CHBs. When there are 49 levels in the pole voltage waveform, there is no need to do any regular PWM since the output waveform will be very close to a sine wave even without any PWM switching. The technique used is commonly known in literature as Nearest Level Control (NLC). This method of stacking and cascading has the advantage that the FC and the CHB modules now are of very low voltages and the switching losses can be reduced. The switching losses of the different modules are calculated and plotted for different operating frequencies in the thesis. To reduce the voltages of the modules further, a 6-phase machine has been reconfigured as a 3-phase machine, the advantage being that now the DC link voltage requirement is half of that needed earlier for the same power. This further reduces voltages of the modules by half and this allows the switches to be replaced with MOSFETs, improving the efficiency of the drive. This topology is also experimentally verified for both steady state and transient conditions. So far the research focussed on a 3-phase IM fed through a stacked MLI. It can be observed that a stacked MLI needs as many DC sources as the number of stackings. A 6-phase machine apart from reduced DC link voltage requirement, has other advantages of better fault tolerant capability and better space harmonics. They are serious contenders for applications like ship propulsion, locomotive traction, electric vehicles, more electric aircraft and other high power industrial applications. Using the unique property of a 6-phase machine that its opposite windings always draw equal and opposite current, the neutral point (NP) (formed as a result of stacking two MLIs) voltage can be balanced. It was observed that the net mid point current drawn from the mid point can be made zero in a switching interval. It was later observed that with minimal changes, the mid point current drawn from the NP can be made instantaneously zero and the NP voltage deviation is completely arrested and the topology needs only very low capacity series connected capacitors energized from a single DC link. This topology is also experimentally verified using the stacked 9-level inverter topology discussed above but now for 6-phase application and experimental results are provided in the thesis. Single DC link enables direct back to back conversion and power can be fed back to the mains at any desired power factor. All the experimental verification is done on a DSP (TMS320F28335) and FPGA (Spartan 3 XCS3200) platform. An IM is run using V/f control scheme and the above inverter topologies are used to drive the motor. The IGBTs used are SKM75GB123D for the stacked 9-level inverter in the 3-phase and 6-phase experiments. For the 49-level inverter experiment, MOSFETs-IRF260N were used. Both steady state and transient results ensure that the proposed inverter topologies are suitable for high power applications.

As relações Brasil-África do Sul apontam para uma aproximação em novos termos desde o final dos anos noventa. Fazendo parte de um movimento mais amplo de redefinição das relações de poder no ambiente internacional, não é coincidência que tal desfecho tenha ocorrido ao final da bipolaridade. Do ponto de vista estrutural, retoma-se a busca de inclusão de potências médias, dentre as quais o Brasil e a África do Sul, no Conselho de Segurança da ONU, bem como uma maior participação nos processos decisórios globais de comércio. Na perspectiva conceitual ocorreu a mudança paradigmática para as noções de segurança humana e de desenvolvimento sustentável baseado na capacitação do homem. Nesse cenário de debate de reforma das instituições internacionais, despontaram candidatos de esquerda nos governos brasileiro e sul-africano, com suas agendas voltadas para a satisfação das necessidades sociais, incluindo combate ao HIV e à fome. A redefinição teleológica da ONU e a inserção pró-ativa brasileira acabou culminando numa agenda global pro misero liderada pelo Brasil. Sobre essas bases, ocorreu a reaproximação entre Brasil e África do Sul, negociada bilateralmente, mas formalizada numa aliança trilateral que incluiu a Índia, resultando no chamado IBAS, uma parceria de natureza multitemática, fortemente conotada com o humano e o social. / The Brazil-South África relations point out an approximation in new terms since the nineties ending. Being part of a bigger movement of redefinition of the power relations in international ambient, it is not coincidence that it had happened within de final of the bipolarity. From a structural view, there is a recall for inclusion of middle power potencies, like Brazil and South Africa, in the UN Security Council, as like as demanding more participation in the global decisional processes about trade. By the conceptual perspective, a paradigmatic change had happened in the notions of human security and sustainable development based on men capacitating. In this setting of debate about international institutions reform, candidates from left parties has became presidents in Brazil and South Africa, implementing agendas directed for the satisfactions of the social needs, like the fight against HIV infection e starvation. The teleological redefinition of UN and the Brazilian pro-active insertion has culminated in the pro misero global agenda under Brazil leadership. On these bases, has occurred the reapproximation between Brazil and South Africa, bilaterally negotiated, but formalized under a trilateral alliance that included India, resulting the named IBSA, a multi-thematic coalition, strongly denoted with the human and social ideals.

As relações Brasil-África do Sul apontam para uma aproximação em novos termos desde o final dos anos noventa. Fazendo parte de um movimento mais amplo de redefinição das relações de poder no ambiente internacional, não é coincidência que tal desfecho tenha ocorrido ao final da bipolaridade. Do ponto de vista estrutural, retoma-se a busca de inclusão de potências médias, dentre as quais o Brasil e a África do Sul, no Conselho de Segurança da ONU, bem como uma maior participação nos processos decisórios globais de comércio. Na perspectiva conceitual ocorreu a mudança paradigmática para as noções de segurança humana e de desenvolvimento sustentável baseado na capacitação do homem. Nesse cenário de debate de reforma das instituições internacionais, despontaram candidatos de esquerda nos governos brasileiro e sul-africano, com suas agendas voltadas para a satisfação das necessidades sociais, incluindo combate ao HIV e à fome. A redefinição teleológica da ONU e a inserção pró-ativa brasileira acabou culminando numa agenda global pro misero liderada pelo Brasil. Sobre essas bases, ocorreu a reaproximação entre Brasil e África do Sul, negociada bilateralmente, mas formalizada numa aliança trilateral que incluiu a Índia, resultando no chamado IBAS, uma parceria de natureza multitemática, fortemente conotada com o humano e o social. / The Brazil-South África relations point out an approximation in new terms since the nineties ending. Being part of a bigger movement of redefinition of the power relations in international ambient, it is not coincidence that it had happened within de final of the bipolarity. From a structural view, there is a recall for inclusion of middle power potencies, like Brazil and South Africa, in the UN Security Council, as like as demanding more participation in the global decisional processes about trade. By the conceptual perspective, a paradigmatic change had happened in the notions of human security and sustainable development based on men capacitating. In this setting of debate about international institutions reform, candidates from left parties has became presidents in Brazil and South Africa, implementing agendas directed for the satisfactions of the social needs, like the fight against HIV infection e starvation. The teleological redefinition of UN and the Brazilian pro-active insertion has culminated in the pro misero global agenda under Brazil leadership. On these bases, has occurred the reapproximation between Brazil and South Africa, bilaterally negotiated, but formalized under a trilateral alliance that included India, resulting the named IBSA, a multi-thematic coalition, strongly denoted with the human and social ideals.

Made available in DSpace on 2015-05-14T12:14:09Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 arquivototal.pdf: 5247280 bytes, checksum: a825d4cf1e9d423d3daa9794ddd2962e (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013-07-23 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior - CAPES / The response of a material to an incident radiation can be described in terms of the susceptibility of the medium. In an atomic vapor, this susceptibility strongly depends on the frequency of the radiation and can vary over several orders of magnitude near the resonance. When a material is illuminated by light whose electric field is intense, the Kerr effect may become significant, showing a linear variation of the refractive index as a function of the intensity of the laser beam. Several techniques allow the measurement of this nonlinear effect. One of the simplest and most accurate is the z-scan technique. It consists in moving the medium to be probed along the axis of a focused laser beam. The transmittance through an aperture is measured as a function of the cell position and the obtained curve allows one to determine the nonlinear refractive index (n2) of the material. In this work, we investigate the nonlinear refractive index of a vapor of cesium atoms. We used the z-scan technique for various detunings around the Cs D2 transition (wavelength at 852 nm). To monitor the frequency of the laser, we simultaneously used an auxiliary saturated absorption setup and a Fabry-Perot analyzer. Through simple relationships between n2 and the aperture transmittance, we obtained a value for n2 as a function of the laser detuning. A theoretical model was developed to be compared to our experimental results. We used the density matrix formalism to calculate n2, taking into account the velocity distribution of the atoms in the calculation of the matrix elements. We started by treating the atoms as two-level systems, which allows us to test different limits of velocity integration. We then carried out a more realistic model for the D2 line of Cs, considering one fundamental level and three excited levels. We showed that for each hyperfine transition, the third-order fundamental-excited coherence depends on the population of the excited states as well as on the coherence created between the excited levels. To our knowledge, our experimental results are the first measurements of n2 for a cesium vapor, using the z-scan technique. The measured values of n2 are consistent with our theoretical calculations. / A resposta de um meio material à radiação incidente pode ser descrita em termos da susceptibilidade ótica desse meio. Em vapores atômicos, essa susceptibilidade depende fortemente da freqüência da radiação e pode variar, em torno da ressonância, por várias ordens de grandeza. Quando um material é iluminado por um feixe de luz cujo campo elétrico é muito intenso, evidencia-se o efeito Kerr, ou seja, o próprio índice de refração do material varia linearmente com a intensidade do feixe laser. Para medir esse efeito não linear da polarização do material, existem varias técnicas na literatura. Uma das mais simples e precisa é a varredura z (z-scan). O z-scan consiste em deslocar o meio a ser estudado ao longo do eixo de um feixe laser focalizado. Mede-se então a transmitância através de uma abertura, em função da posição da célula. A partir dessa curva de transmitância, é possível determinar o índice de refração não linear do material. Neste trabalho, investigamos a dependência espectral do índice de refração não linear do vapor atômico de césio. Realizamos experimentos com a técnica z-scan para várias dessintonizações na linha D2 (comprimento de onda de 852 nm). O monitoramento da freqüência do laser é feito através de uma montagem auxiliar de absorção saturada e de uma cavidade Fabry-Pérot. Utilizando relações simples entre n2 e a transmitância na abertura, obtivemos um valor de n2 para cada dessintonização. Para interpretar os resultados experimentais, usamos o formalismo de matriz densidade para calcular teoricamente o n2. No cálculo dos elementos da matriz densidade, deve-se levar em consideração a distribuição de velocidades dos átomos. Iniciamos nosso modelo tratando os átomos como sistemas de dois níveis, com o objetivo de compreender os diferentes limites da integração em velocidade. Em seguida passamos para um modelo mais realista para a linha D2 do Cs envolvendo um nível fundamental e três excitados. Mostramos que, para cada transição hiperfina, a coerência fundamental-excitada de terceira ordem depende de efeito de população dos estados excitados e da coerência criada entre eles. Nossos resultados experimentais são, até onde sabemos, as primeiras medidas usando z-scan para a obtenção do indice de refração de vapor de césio. Os valores medidos de n2 são condizentes com os nossos cálculos teóricos.

Made available in DSpace on 2015-03-03T15:28:32Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 ManassesPN_DISSERT.pdf: 2146671 bytes, checksum: a562634d1e686680a598403ed93762dd (MD5) Previous issue date: 2010-05-17 / Two-level factorial designs are widely used in industrial experimentation. However, many factors in such a design require a large number of runs to perform the experiment, and too many replications of the treatments may not be feasible, considering limitations of resources and of time, making it expensive. In these cases, unreplicated designs are used. But, with only one replicate, there is no internal estimate of experimental error to make judgments about the significance of the observed efects. One of the possible solutions for this problem is to use normal plots or half-normal plots of the efects. Many experimenters use the normal plot, while others prefer the half-normal plot and, often, for both cases, without justification. The controversy about the use of these two graphical techniques motivates this work, once there is no register of formal procedure or statistical test that indicates \which one is best". The choice between the two plots seems to be a subjective issue. The central objective of this master's thesis is, then, to perform an experimental comparative study of the normal plot and half-normal plot in the context of the analysis of the 2k unreplicated factorial experiments. This study involves the construction of simulated scenarios, in which the graphics performance to detect significant efects and to identify outliers is evaluated in order to verify the following questions: Can be a plot better than other? In which situations? What kind of information does a plot increase to the analysis of the experiment that might complement those provided by the other plot? What are the restrictions on the use of graphics? Herewith, this work intends to confront these two techniques; to examine them simultaneously in order to identify similarities, diferences or relationships that contribute to the construction of a theoretical reference to justify or to aid in the experimenter's decision about which of the two graphical techniques to use and the reason for this use. The simulation results show that the half-normal plot is better to assist in the judgement of the efects, while the normal plot is recommended to detect outliers in the data / Os experimentos fatoriais 2k s?o muito utilizados na experimenta??o industrial. Contudo, quanto maior o n?mero de fatores considerados maior ser? a quantidade de provas necess?rias para a execu??o de um experimento, e realizar replica??es dos tratamentos pode ser invi?vel, considerando as limita??es de recursos e de tempo, tornando tal experimento dispendioso. Nestes casos, s~ao utilizados os fatoriais 2k n?o replicados. Mas, sem replica??oo, n?o ? poss?vel obter uma estimativa direta da variabilidade do erro experimental para se avaliar a signific^ancia dos efeitos. Uma das poss?veis solu??es para este problema ? utilizar os gr?fificos normal ou semi-normal dos efeitos. Muitos pesquisadores usam o gr?fifico normal, ao passo que outros preferem o semi-normal e, em muitas vezes, para ambos os casos, sem alguma justificativa. A controv?rsia sobre o uso destas duas t?cnicas gr?ficas ? o que motiva a realiza??o do presente trabalho, uma vez que n?o h? registro de procedimento formal ou teste estat?stico que indique \qual delas ? melhor". A escolha entre os dois gr?fificos parece ser uma quest~ao subjetiva. O objetivo central desta disserta??o ?, ent?o, realizar um estudo comparativo experimental dos gr?fificos normal e semi-normal no contexto da an?lise dos experimentos fatoriais 2k n?o replicados. Tal estudo consiste na constru??o de cen?rios simulados, nos quais o desempenho dos gr?fificos em detectar os efeitos significativos e identificar valores discrepantes ? avaliado com o intuito de verificar as seguintes quest?es: Um gr?fifico pode ser melhor que o outro? Em que situa??es? Que informa??es um gr?fifico acrescenta ? an?lise do experimento que possam complementar aquelas fornecidas pelo outro gr?fifico? Quais as restri??es no uso de cada gr?fifico? Com isso, prop?e-se confrontar estas duas t?cnicas; examin?-las simultaneamente a fim de conhecer semelhan?as, diferen?as ou rela??es que possam contribuir para a constru??o de um referencial te?rico que sirva como um subs?dio para justificar ou auxiliar na decis~ao do pesquisador sobre qual das duas t?cnicas gr?fificas utilizar e o porqu^e deste uso. Os resultados das simula??es mostram que o gr?fifico semi-normal ? melhor para auxiliar no julgamento dos efeitos, ao passo que o gr?fifico normal ? recomendado para detectar a presen?a de valores discrepantes nos dados

As relações Brasil-África do Sul apontam para uma aproximação em novos termos desde o final dos anos noventa. Fazendo parte de um movimento mais amplo de redefinição das relações de poder no ambiente internacional, não é coincidência que tal desfecho tenha ocorrido ao final da bipolaridade. Do ponto de vista estrutural, retoma-se a busca de inclusão de potências médias, dentre as quais o Brasil e a África do Sul, no Conselho de Segurança da ONU, bem como uma maior participação nos processos decisórios globais de comércio. Na perspectiva conceitual ocorreu a mudança paradigmática para as noções de segurança humana e de desenvolvimento sustentável baseado na capacitação do homem. Nesse cenário de debate de reforma das instituições internacionais, despontaram candidatos de esquerda nos governos brasileiro e sul-africano, com suas agendas voltadas para a satisfação das necessidades sociais, incluindo combate ao HIV e à fome. A redefinição teleológica da ONU e a inserção pró-ativa brasileira acabou culminando numa agenda global pro misero liderada pelo Brasil. Sobre essas bases, ocorreu a reaproximação entre Brasil e África do Sul, negociada bilateralmente, mas formalizada numa aliança trilateral que incluiu a Índia, resultando no chamado IBAS, uma parceria de natureza multitemática, fortemente conotada com o humano e o social. / The Brazil-South África relations point out an approximation in new terms since the nineties ending. Being part of a bigger movement of redefinition of the power relations in international ambient, it is not coincidence that it had happened within de final of the bipolarity. From a structural view, there is a recall for inclusion of middle power potencies, like Brazil and South Africa, in the UN Security Council, as like as demanding more participation in the global decisional processes about trade. By the conceptual perspective, a paradigmatic change had happened in the notions of human security and sustainable development based on men capacitating. In this setting of debate about international institutions reform, candidates from left parties has became presidents in Brazil and South Africa, implementing agendas directed for the satisfactions of the social needs, like the fight against HIV infection e starvation. The teleological redefinition of UN and the Brazilian pro-active insertion has culminated in the pro misero global agenda under Brazil leadership. On these bases, has occurred the reapproximation between Brazil and South Africa, bilaterally negotiated, but formalized under a trilateral alliance that included India, resulting the named IBSA, a multi-thematic coalition, strongly denoted with the human and social ideals.

Esta dissertação analisa o resultado da COP 21, que aconteceu em Paris no ano de 2015, através da capacidade que as coalizões domésticas, dentro de China e Estados Unidos, tiveram em influenciar a política climática durante o período que vai de 1992 até 2015. É através da identificação das coalizões domésticas (ambiental e pó-desenvolvimento econômico) que buscamos explicar como o processo político doméstico, nos dois países, foi moldado a partir das articulações e interações entre os grupos que compõe as coalizões. Até a COP 21, a política climática global parecia não avançar em vistas a uma solução do aquecimento global, a COP 15 é referenciada neste trabalho como o fracasso dos acordos climáticos, no entanto, 5 anos mais tarde, em 2015, juntos EUA e China, o dois maiores emissores da atualidade, anunciam suas metas de redução dos gases de efeito estufa. O que explica essa mudança de posicionamento, segundo a hipótese deste trabalho, é o amadurecimento e a articulação das coalizões doméstica dentro dos dois países, em primeiro lugar, e os acordos bilaterais que ambos promoveram entre os anos de 2009 e 2015 para trata das questões climáticas fora do sistema ONU de tomada d decisão. O resultado encontrado é que de fato, até 2009, a coalizão pró-desenvolvimento econômico conseguiu que sua influencia no processo político da condução da politica climática prevalecesse, no entanto, do período posterior a 2009 até 2015, pudemos ver que a coalizão ambiental conseguiu que sua influencia causasse, inclusive, um transbordamento para a arena internacional. / This essay analyze the COP 21 outcomes, that was held in Paris in 2015, through the domestic coalitions capacity, inside China and USA, had to influence the climate policy during the period that goes from 1992 until 2015. It is through the identification of domestic (environmental and economic development) coalitions that we seek to explain how the domestic political process, in both countries, was shaped by the articulations and interactions between the groups that make up the coalitions. Until COP 21, global climate policy did not seem to advance towards a solution to global warming, COP 15 is referred to, in this paper, as the failure of climate agreements, however, 5 years later in 2015, U.S and China together, the two largest emitters today, announce their targets for reducing greenhouse gases. What explains this change of position, according to the hypothesis of this work, is that the maturation and articulation of domestic coalitions within both countries, first, and the bilateral agreements that both promoted between the years of 2009 and 2015 to deal with the climate change issues outside of the UN system of decision-making. The result was that in fact, until 2009, the economic development coalition had its influence on the political process of climate policy prevailing, however, from the period after 2009 until 2015, we could see that the environmental coalition succeeded in its influence would even cause an overflow to the international arena.