Thesis (Ph.D.)--York University, 2006. Graduate Programme in Sociology. / Typescript. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 541-554). Also available on the Internet. MODE OF ACCESS via web browser by entering the following URL: http://gateway.proquest.com/openurl?url_ver=Z39.88-2004&res_dat=xri:pqdiss&rft_val_fmt=info:ofi/fmt:kev:mtx:dissertation&rft_dat=xri:pqdiss:NR19795

Thesis--M. Phil., University of Hong Kong, 1982.

The 1924-1927 United Front period has long been understood within a civil war context. The major revolutionaries of ethnic Han origins and the myriad of Comintern advisors that played significant roles have subsequently all been evaluated in those terms. My work decenters the civil war narrative in order to dislodge the rigid labels that have historically accompanied the identities of the Guomindang and the Chinese Communist Party. When re-evaluating the activities of the First United Front as a loosely defined tactical alliance, the White Terror -perpetrated by the GMD onto Communists and their affiliated members – then becomes a moment of permanent dichotomization of Communist and Nationalists groups. Analyzing the activities of the First United Front without rigid Communist and Nationalists labels, aids in clarifying the organizations actions. Moreover, when viewing these activities within the broader context of a global anti-colonial movement, the shared goals of the tactical alliance become more comparable to many of the ideological tenets driving self-determination in the twentieth century.

This thesis describes the CCP united front work in the Czech Republic and challenges the current understanding of the Chinese diaspora's role in the PRC's influence in countries with small Chinese communities. Through an analysis of primary Chinese-language sources contextualized using secondary literature, the study presents the first overall picture of the CCP united front work in a European country. It identifies the main united front groups within the Czech Chinese diaspora and describes their engagement with the Czech and PRC political systems, as well as pan-European Chinese diaspora associations. The main finding is that, while these organizations play an auxiliary role to the Party-state organs and channels PRC uses for interacting with Czech and European politics, their importance and activity is higher than noticed in previous research. The study further finds that the trans-national mobility of the European Chinese migrant communities, well- established in previous scholarship, influences united front work in its treatment of the continent as single space. The creation of pan-European Chinese associations is actively supported by the PRC organs that engage them on higher level than groups restricted to specific countries. The relevance of previous research on European Chinese diaspora to...

Zugl.: Bremen, Univ., Diss., 2005

中共沿襲馬、列主義的宗教觀點，將宗教界定為替共產社會服務的工具，並認為宗教的本質是歷史過程的產物，其作用主要在於統戰或鬥爭的需要，最終將因社會主義的發展而消失，因此建政以來極力打壓、約制大陸境內的宗教及其團體。雖然中共的宗教政策隨著中國大陸社會的變化與全球化的影響，在胡錦濤時期有逐步開放的趨向，惟觀察中共建政以來的宗教政策脈絡，始終維持「開展統戰」和「防範滲透」基調，對臺灣宗教交流政策亦然。 2008年馬政府執政後，兩岸關係逐漸和緩，中共追求兩岸統一的意圖更為明顯，在胡錦濤「對內構建和諧社會、對外共建和諧世界」政策方針下，賦予宗教對臺統戰更大空間，兩岸宗教亦呈現交流活動趨增、境外教派參與增加、交流態樣多元且多為大陸發起等特點，另外中共以兩岸最普遍之媽祖文化做為對臺宗教統戰主軸，逐漸提升交流層級與規模，冀擴大對臺民間統戰成效。綜析胡錦濤近年兩岸宗教交流政策作為，預判中共未來對臺宗教工作，將朝全面爭取臺灣宗教界統一共識；透過宗教交流吸引臺商、信徒赴陸；加強基督教徒等外來宗教交流；以多元管道強化宗教工作成效；聯合抵制境外宗教勢力等面向發展。 綜合各方對兩岸宗教交流的影響評估，臺灣宗教團體能彰顯文化軟實力，在交流中對大陸社會擁有較強的影響力；大陸宗教自由度低度，惟管制宗教已有鬆動，後者跡象應與兩岸宗教交流具有關聯性；未來宗教慈善公益將為兩岸交流重點項目。據此，臺灣方面可在兼顧安全與發展的原則下，積極與大陸進行全面宗教交流，並以拓展宗教信徒、擴大宗教交流範圍，提高宗教自主運作能力，降低中共宗教統戰攻勢；此外，臺灣可以更主動出擊，以大甲鎮瀾宮、湄洲媽祖廟共同以媽祖繞境向聯合國申請非物質文化遺產為例，尋找與大陸更多的宗教合作機會，將兩岸儒、佛、道等傳統宗教，逐漸帶往國際社會，使兩岸共同擔起宗教全球化、中華文化全球化的角色，並藉以消彌兩岸政治、地域區隔的意識籓籬。 / Inheriting the Marxist-Leninist point of view on religion, the Chinese Communist authorities define religion as an instrument that serves the Socialist society. For them, religion is in essence a product of the historical process that serves the needs of the united front or struggles and is destined to fade out as Socialism marches on to the global stage. Therefore, since its establishment, the Chinese Communist regime has spared no effort in cracking down and suppressing religion and religious groups in mainland China. During Hu Jintao’s rule, the Chinese government has eased its stringent policy on religion in response to a changing Chinese society and international trends. But a closer look at the evolution of China’s religious policy reveals that its keynote has remained the same: conducting united front work on religious groups while preventing them from converging or colluding with dissident. This also goes for the Hu Jintao regime’s dealings with Taiwanese religious groups. Since President Ma Ying-jeou to power in 2008, ties between the two sides of Taiwan Straits have gradually thawed and Beijing is have increasing difficulty hiding its ambition for Taiwan’s reunification with the mainland. Moreover, Hu Jintao’s policy to build a harmonious society in China and jointly shape a harmonious world has given religion a renewed role in Beijing’s united front against Taiwan. Religious exchanges between the two sides of Taiwan Straits have been warming and increasingly involve overseas groups. The forms of these exchanges are diverse and many of them are launched by the Chinese side. For instance, Beijing’s religious united front campaign targets believers of Goddess Matsu, the worship of which being common on both sides of the Taiwan Straits. Beijing is pushing for upgrading the level and scale of such exchanges in hopes of producing more results of the united front against Taiwan . An overview of Hu Jintao’s policy on cross-Strait religious exchanges in recent years suggests that Beijing will seek to build consensus on reunification among Taiwan’s religious community, lure Taiwanese businessmen and believers to visit China, step up religious exchanges with Christians and believers of other religions, making progress on religious work through different means and keeping overseas religious forces at bay. Assessments of the implications of cross-Strait religious exchanges indicate that Taiwanese religious groups possess considerable cultural soft power and will be able to exert stronger influence on mainland Chinese society . China accords very limited freedom to local religious groups but is loosening its reins, which can possibly be connected to cross-Straits religious exchanges in recent years . In the future , religious charity events are expected to be the main theme of cross-Strait religious exchanges. Taiwan should actively engage in across-the-board religious exchanges with mainland China as long as it does not present problems for its security and development. Taiwan should focus on recruiting more believers, enlarging the scope of religious exchanges, increasing autonomy of religious groups and fending off mainland Chinese religious united front. In addition, Taiwan can also take the initiative to seek opportunities to cooperate with China to promote Confucianism, Taoism and Buddhism on the international stage, e.g. applying for UN recognition of the pilgrimage of China and Taiwan’s Matsu believers to Da-Jia Chen-Lan Temple(Taiwan)and Meizhou Matsu Temple(China) as world cultural heritage. This way, the two sides of the Taiwan Straits will jointly assume the responsibility of promoting Chinese culture and religions in the international community and narrow their political and geographical gaps.

SOUSA, Nágela da Silva de. As contribuições de Antonio Gramsci para a educação e formação humana da frente única. 2013. 59f. – Dissertação (Mestrado) – Universidade Federal do Ceará, Programa de Pós-graduação em Educação Brasileira, Fortaleza (CE), 2013. / Submitted by Márcia Araújo (marcia_m_bezerra@yahoo.com.br) on 2015-06-03T13:21:12Z No. of bitstreams: 1 2013_dis_nssousa.pdf: 736066 bytes, checksum: 59197a7590733b0182bbb8a226acaa75 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Márcia Araújo(marcia_m_bezerra@yahoo.com.br) on 2015-06-03T17:14:00Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 2013_dis_nssousa.pdf: 736066 bytes, checksum: 59197a7590733b0182bbb8a226acaa75 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2015-06-03T17:14:00Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 2013_dis_nssousa.pdf: 736066 bytes, checksum: 59197a7590733b0182bbb8a226acaa75 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013 / The dissertation aims to investigate the categories present in the work of the Italian revolutionary Antonio Gramsci, pinpointing his proposal of a united front and its educational construction in the perspective of the revolution; revisiting the contributions of theorists and scholars in line with the thought of Gramsci, as it relates to worker-peasant Alliance in view of proletarian revolution, Del Roio (2005) e Nosella (1992), for example. Based upon historical dialectic materialism, the paper followed a set of theoretical-bibliographic procedures of a classist character, adopting as its major reference, the production of Antonio Gramsci, a true militant theorist of proletarian cause, specifically his pre-prison work; and political writings, in general. In this way, we seek to historically retrieve the genesis and evolution of Antonio Gramsci’s thought, consolidated in his short life trajectory, highlighting elements linked to his family origin, as his theoretical-practical militancy, marked by a deep immersion in the political and social class struggles in Italy, in particular, his involvement with the problematics of the factories councils and the school of labor. Generally speaking, in the analysis of the context of the Southern Issue in Italy, expressed in political-geographical division, we feature the revolutionary conceptions of Gramsci, in function of subalternity. Attempting to understand the labour movement, we situate the French experience in the 19th century from the reference point of the 18 Brumaire of Louis Bonaparte, of Karl Marx, reporting the peasants struggles. Further on, from the Marxian ontology frame of reference, and understanding education as a complex founded by work, we focus upon the united front and its complexities, tracing the role of education and/or human formation for the constitution of a worker-peasant Alliance in the context of the Italian situation of the early 20th century, showing the character at the same time particular and universal of Gramscian contributions. / O presente trabalho dissertativo tem por objetivo investigar as categorias presentes na obra do revolucionário italiano, Antonio Gramsci, acerca da frente única e sua formação educacional na perspectiva da revolução; revisitando, ainda, as contribuições de teóricos e estudiosos do pensamento de Gramsci sobre a aliança operário-camponesa diante da revolução proletária como, por exemplo, Del Roio (2005) e Nosella (1992). Tendo por base teórica o materialismo histórico dialético, realizou-se um trabalho a partir de procedimentos teórico-bibliográficos de caráter classista, adotando como revisão principal, a produção de Antonio Gramsci, especificamente nas obras pré-carcerária e nos escritos políticos, que se constitui, rigorosamente, um teórico-militante da causa operária. Deste modo, buscamos fazer um resgate histórico da gênese e processualidade do pensamento de Antônio Gramsci, consolidadas em sua curta trajetória de vida, recuperando elementos vinculados à sua origem familiar, como a sua militância teórico-prática, marcada pela profunda imersão na luta política e social na Itália, em especial, seu envolvimento com a problemática dos conselhos de fábricas e da escola do trabalho. Em linhas gerais, na análise do contexto da Questão Meridional, expressada na divisão político-geográfica, destacamos as concepções revolucionárias de Gramsci, na função dos grupos subalternos. Na compreensão do movimento operário, situamos a experiência francesa no século XIX a partir de O 18 Brumário de Luís Bonaparte de Karl Marx, relatando a luta dos camponeses. Posteriormente, partindo da ontologia marxiana e entendendo a educação como um complexo fundado pelo trabalho, dissertamos sobre a frente única e suas complexidades, traçando o papel da educação e/ou formação humana para a constituição de uma aliança operário-camponesa diante da conjuntura italiana do início do século XX, mostrando o caráter ao mesmo tempo histórico/particular e universal das contribuições gramscianas

CoordenaÃÃo de AperfeÃoamento de Pessoal de NÃvel Superior / presente trabalho dissertativo tem por objetivo investigar as categorias presentes na obra do revolucionÃrio italiano, Antonio Gramsci, acerca da frente Ãnica e sua formaÃÃo educacional na perspectiva da revoluÃÃo; revisitando, ainda, as contribuiÃÃes de teÃricos e estudiosos do pensamento de Gramsci sobre a alianÃa operÃrio-camponesa diante da revoluÃÃo proletÃria como, por exemplo, Del Roio (2005) e Nosella (1992). Tendo por base teÃrica o materialismo histÃrico dialÃtico, realizou-se um trabalho a partir de procedimentos teÃrico-bibliogrÃficos de carÃter classista, adotando como revisÃo principal, a produÃÃo de Antonio Gramsci, especificamente nas obras prÃ-carcerÃria e nos escritos polÃticos, que se constitui, rigorosamente, um teÃrico-militante da causa operÃria. Deste modo, buscamos fazer um resgate histÃrico da gÃnese e processualidade do pensamento de AntÃnio Gramsci, consolidadas em sua curta trajetÃria de vida, recuperando elementos vinculados à sua origem familiar, como a sua militÃncia teÃrico-prÃtica, marcada pela profunda imersÃo na luta polÃtica e social na ItÃlia, em especial, seu envolvimento com a problemÃtica dos conselhos de fÃbricas e da escola do trabalho. Em linhas gerais, na anÃlise do contexto da QuestÃo Meridional, expressada na divisÃo polÃtico-geogrÃfica, destacamos as concepÃÃes revolucionÃrias de Gramsci, na funÃÃo dos grupos subalternos. Na compreensÃo do movimento operÃrio, situamos a experiÃncia francesa no sÃculo XIX a partir de O 18 BrumÃrio de LuÃs Bonaparte de Karl Marx, relatando a luta dos camponeses. Posteriormente, partindo da ontologia marxiana e entendendo a educaÃÃo como um complexo fundado pelo trabalho, dissertamos sobre a frente Ãnica e suas complexidades, traÃando o papel da educaÃÃo e/ou formaÃÃo humana para a constituiÃÃo de uma alianÃa operÃrio-camponesa diante da conjuntura italiana do inÃcio do sÃculo XX, mostrando o carÃter ao mesmo tempo histÃrico/particular e universal das contribuiÃÃes gramscianas / The dissertation aims to investigate the categories present in the work of the Italian revolutionary Antonio Gramsci, pinpointing his proposal of a united front and its educational construction in the perspective of the revolution; revisiting the contributions of theorists and scholars in line with the thought of Gramsci, as it relates to worker-peasant Alliance in view of proletarian revolution, Del Roio (2005) e Nosella (1992), for example. Based upon historical dialectic materialism, the paper followed a set of theoretical-bibliographic procedures of a classist character, adopting as its major reference, the production of Antonio Gramsci, a true militant theorist of proletarian cause, specifically his pre-prison work; and political writings, in general. In this way, we seek to historically retrieve the genesis and evolution of Antonio Gramsciâs thought, consolidated in his short life trajectory, highlighting elements linked to his family origin, as his theoretical-practical militancy, marked by a deep immersion in the political and social class struggles in Italy, in particular, his involvement with the problematics of the factories councils and the school of labor. Generally speaking, in the analysis of the context of the Southern Issue in Italy, expressed in political-geographical division, we feature the revolutionary conceptions of Gramsci, in function of subalternity. Attempting to understand the labour movement, we situate the French experience in the 19th century from the reference point of the 18 Brumaire of Louis Bonaparte, of Karl Marx, reporting the peasants struggles. Further on, from the Marxian ontology frame of reference, and understanding education as a complex founded by work, we focus upon the united front and its complexities, tracing the role of education and/or human formation for the constitution of a worker-peasant Alliance in the context of the Italian situation of the early 20th century, showing the character at the same time particular and universal of Gramscian contributions

Targeted sanctions have become increasingly utilized as conflict management tool to safeguard global peace and security. In recent years, there have been a global push to utilize this tool to specifically address conflict-related sexual violence (CRSV). Yet, there is a dearth in research on how the imposition of targeted sanctions effect the prevalence of CRSV. This thesis aims to contribute to this alarmingly understudied relationship between targeted sanctions and CRSV by investigating the following research question: what impact do targeted sanctions have on the perpetration of CRSV by rebel groups? Thus, I employ a structured, focused comparison of the Revolutionary United Front (RUF) in Sierra Leone and the Lord’s Resistance Army (LRA) in Uganda to test a theoretical theory which argues that targeted sanctions may increase the prevalence of CRSV perpetrated by the targeted rebel group. The empirical findings give partial support to both the proposed hypothesis and the theorized ‘selective incentive’ casual mechanism. However, the findings also suggest less effective sanctions may result in the hypothesized increase in wartime sexual violence perpetrated by the targeted actor, while more effective, debilitating sanctions may a decrease alongside other interventions.

兩岸五十多年來的隔海對峙，歷經了中共「武力解放台灣」、「和平解放台灣」、「和平統一、一國兩制」三個對台政策演變時期，中共始終依循創黨三大法寶之一—統一戰線，作為對台政策的理論依據。本論文是以統一戰線為主軸，採取國際政治的和戰兩手策略觀點，來研究中共在對台統一戰線上的具體作為與策略目標。文章以歷史序列為系絡，說明中共對台的實際統戰作為，並根據目標管理概念將中共統戰策略目標分為三個層次，透過民調數據的分析，評估中共對台統戰的實行成效：反獨不彰、促統有成。本文認為，北京當局若能確實理解台灣人民對自由民主和平的重視，重新檢討「一國兩制」的對台統戰政策，從實際出發，求同存異，兩岸關係將可展現穩定發展的和平前景。 / For the last fifty years, the political situation of the both sides across the Taiwan Strait has witnessed the three stages of Beijing’s Taiwan policy. They are the Stage of “Armed Liberation of Taiwan”(1949－1954), the Stage of “Peaceful Liberation of Taiwan”(1955－1978), and the Stage of “Peaceful Unification and One Country, Two Systems.” However, there is a common thread that is the concept of “united front” running through these three different stages. The concept of “united front” is normally regarded as the theoretical basis of Beijing’s Taiwan policy. By taking the approach of the “carrot-and-stick” strategy in the international politics as an analytical tool, this study aims to describe how the Chinese Communist set the strategic objectives toward Taiwan and what actions were taken accordingly in terms of the concept of “united front.” This study made use of the historical review of literature to analyze how the concept of “united front” was realized by the Chinese Communist in the specific actions to Taiwan. The concept of management by objectives was applied to the analysis of the related literature and the results revealed that the Chinese Communist’s “united front” strategic objectives could be classified into three levels. Finally the outcomes of the several surveys done before were utilized to evaluate the effect of the “united front” strategy toward Taiwan. The results showed that the strategy did not succeed in preventing the Taiwan’s independent movement, but it seemed to work relatively well to promote the idea of unification. The study concluded by suggesting that the peaceful future across the Taiwan Strait would come in a stable way, should the regime in Beijing seriously consider the craving of people on Taiwan for freedom, democracy and peace, and revisit the policy of “one country, two systems” as its measure of “united front” strategy toward Taiwan. It was urged that the differences across the both sides of the Taiwan Strait should be recognized and commonality must be found, and the realistic actions should be made possible.