La participation des organisations policières à des opérations de paix des Nations Unies est un phénomène datant de quelques décennies, mais qui suscite de plus en plus d’intérêt dans la communauté scientifique ainsi que chez les organisations contributrices. À titre indicatif, en 2010, près de 13 000 policiers étaient déployés dans 13 opérations de paix des Nations Unies, ce qui représente une augmentation de 810 % par rapport aux 1 600 policiers qui étaient déployés en 1995 . Cette augmentation marquée de la participation policière à ce type d’opération à l’étranger remet en question les conceptions traditionnelles que les chercheurs avaient de l’institution policière. Bel exemple de la transnationalisation des organisations policières, la participation des policiers à des opérations de paix soulève toutefois de nombreux questionnements. Alors que la majorité des recherches se sont penchées sur les problématiques opérationnelles reliées à l’envoi de policiers dans ces zones en sortie de guerre, peu d’entre elles se sont penchées sur les questions reliées au post-déploiement, c'est-à-dire à la réintégration des policiers dans leur société d’origine. Puisque la contribution des services de police québécois aux missions de paix des Nations Unies semble maintenant faire partie intégrante de la mission de certaines de ces organisations, il serait intéressant de valider quelles sont les retombées organisationnelles de cette participation. C’est précisément dans cette lignée que le présent mémoire prend tout son sens. Plus précisément, la présente recherche a pour objectif d’étudier la relation entre la participation d’un policier à ce type de mission et la modification de ses habitudes et méthodes de travail lors de sa réintégration dans son unité d’origine. La perspective organisationnelle utilisée dans ce mémoire est novatrice au sens où elle permet de questionner l’utilité et les retombées de ces missions, non pas sur les sociétés bénéficiaires de l’aide internationale, mais plutôt sur les acteurs contribuant à la mise en place de ces missions. De tels questionnements sont pertinents si l’on veut mesurer les retombées que peuvent avoir les opérations de paix sur les policiers eux-mêmes, sur les organisations policières participantes, mais aussi sur les services fournis aux citoyens par ces mêmes organisations. Les données qui nous permettront de répondre à ces questions proviennent de dix-neuf entretiens semi-directifs réalisés auprès de policiers de la Sûreté du Québec qui ont participé à une mission de paix en Haïti entre 2005 et 2010. En somme, il est possible d’affirmer que les méthodes de travail d’un policier revenant de mission peuvent être modifiées positivement ou négativement par différents facteurs tels que l’acquisition de compétences, la modification des traits de personnalité ou encore par un changement au niveau de la perception qu’on ces policiers de leur travail. / Police contribution to United Nations peace operations is not a new phenomenon but it is beginning to draw a lot more attention from police organizations and the academic community. In 2010, nearly 13 000 police officers were deployed in the 13 peace operations led by the United Nations. It represents an 810% increase in comparison with the 1 600 police officers that were deployed in 1995 . This dramatic increase of police contribution questions the traditional conception held by the academic community about the police institution. Good example of police transnationalization, these deployments raise a lot of questions that require some examination. While the great majority of researches have been conducted on operational issues raised by sending cops in post-conflict area, very few have focused their attention on the issues linked to post-deployment phase, namely when police officers are reintegrated in their home society. Considering that the contribution of some Quebec police forces to peace operations appears to be an intricate part of their organizational mission, it would be interesting to study its benefits. That is exactly the essence of this present research. More precisely, the objective of this project is to study the relationship between the participation of a police officer to peace operation and the modification of his habits and working methods after reintegrating his home unit. The organizational perspective used in this research is innovative in the sense that it questions the utility and benefits of these missions, not on the societies hosting these missions, but on the contributing actors of these deployments. This type of questioning is relevant if we want to measure the benefits of the contribution to peace operations on the contributing officers and their police organization, as well as the qualities of the services provided to the citizens by these same organizations. The data that enables us to provide answers to these questions comes from nineteen semi-directive interviews realized with police officers of the Sûreté du Québec that have participated in a United Nations peace mission in Haïti between 2005 and 2010.

The thesis explores in depth the negotiations to create the United Nations Organization through which Stalin sought to enhance the USSRs power and prestige via traditional, military-oriented means. Although the Kremlin was relatively successful at maximizing Soviet power within the structure of the UNO, its inflexibility on issues such as Poland, Latin American membership, and other issues antagonized its wartime allies, the USA and Britain. This developing fracture seriously undermined cooperation among the victorious great powers both within the new organization and more broadly. As a result, the process of founding the UNO proved to be both a significant cause and reflection of the degeneration of the wartime Grand Alliance into the Cold War. / History

[pt] Esta dissertação realiza uma análise de discurso sobre abuso e exploração sexual (SEA) em operações de paz das Nações Unidas (ONU) a partir de uma metodologia qualitativa dos documentos públicos da ONU. O objetivo central é examinar as formas de abordagem ao SEA, incluindo declarações e medidas da Organização. Discute-se, principalmente, a distinção entre a abordagem individualizada, que enfatiza políticas focadas na conduta individual de peacekeepers violadores, e a nova abordagem, institucionalizada pela Organização em 2017, denominada abordagem centrada na vítima. Diferente da anterior, o relatório que formaliza a nova abordagem busca adotar medidas que centralizam os direitos e experiências das vítimas e reconhece a necessidade de ações mais amplas para enfrentar a violência. A análise pós-estruturalista, inspirada na literatura de Michel Foucault, Carol Bacchi e Lene Hansen, permite avaliar a compreensão sobre o SEA nesses dois momentos e como as políticas da ONU foram remodeladas. Assim, apesar da aparente incompatibilidade, a análise da dissertação mostra que a relação entre as abordagens não é um processo de ruptura completa, mas de coexistência, em que o foco no perpetrador ainda é predominante. / [en] This dissertation provides a discourse analysis of sexual exploitation andabuse (SEA) in United Nations (UN) peacekeeping operations, using a qualitativemethodology of public UN documents. The central aim is to examine the approaches to SEA, including the Organization s statements and measures. It primarily discusses the distinction between the individualized approach, which emphasizes policies focused on the conduct of individual abusive peacekeepers, and the"new" approach institutionalized by the Organization in 2017, known as the victimcentered approach. Unlike its predecessor, the report formalizing the new approachseeks to adopt measures that center on the rights and experiences of victims andrecognizes the need for broader actions to address violence. The post-structuralistanalysis, inspired by the works of Michel Foucault, Carol Bacchi, and Lene Hansen,assesses the understanding of SEA in these two phases and how UN policies havebeen reshaped. Thus, despite apparent incompatibilities, the dissertation s analysisreveals that the relationship between the approaches is not one of complete rupturebut of coexistence, with a continued predominance of the focus on perpetrators.

Le différend entre la France et les Etats-Unis sur le règlement de la question irakienne a provoqué une crise diplomatique majeure entre les deux pays, jugée par certains comme la plus sérieuse dans l’histoire des relations bilatérales. Le dossier irakien a cristallisé les positions diplomatiques des deux alliés et mis en lumière deux lectures d’une grande question internationale. Pour la France, il a été l’occasion de défendre des principes, de faire entendre sa voix et de partager sa vision d’un monde multipolaire fondé sur la quête d’un règlement pacifique des différends. Pour les Etats-Unis, cette question relevait d’un enjeu de sécurité nationale, dans une Amérique profondément traumatisée par les attentats de septembre 2001. La rupture franco-américaine a résulté de facteurs structurels anciens : la concurrence entre deux modèles politiques et diplomatiques qui se veulent universels et le déséquilibre entre une puissance française, déclinante, qui aspire à préserver ses sphères d’influence sur la scène internationale, et une puissance américaine, ascendante, devenue, depuis l’effondrement du bloc soviétique, l’unique superpuissance à la tête d’un monde unipolaire. L’affrontement bilatéral du printemps 2003 a ainsi révélé les caractères intrinsèques qui opposent la diplomatie française et la diplomatie américaine et dévoilé leur conception très éloignée qu’elles se faisaient du nouvel ordre mondial et de la place qu’elles aspirent à occuper sur l’échiquier international / The disagreement between France and the US over the Iraqi issue led to a serious diplomatic crisis between the two countries, considered by many analysts as the most serious one in the history of bilateral relations. The Iraqi case crystallized the diplomatic positions of both allies and revealed two different reads of this major international issue. For France, this case was the opportunity to defend its principles, to get itself heard by the rest of the world and to share its vision of a multipolar world, where disputes would be peacefully settled through international organizations. For the US, that issue fell under a matter of national security, in a country deeply traumatized by ‘9/11’. The split between thetwo countries resulted from historical structural causes : (i) the competition between two political and diplomatic models that present themselves as universal, and (ii) the imbalance between France’s declining power aspiring to preserve its spheres of influence over the world and America’s ascending power that has become, since the end of the Cold War, the only superpower. The bilateral confrontation of 2003 revealed the distinctive patterns of both French and American foreign policies and exposed their different views and models of the new world order, as well as their ambitions on the international scene

Iraq, 2003 : une coalition menée par les États-Unis et le Royaume-Uni engagea une action militaire juridiquement fondée sur une autorisation de recourir à la force implicitement contenue dans la résolution 1441 (2002) du Conseil de sécurité. Ce fondement fut également mis en avant au Kosovo (1999) ou encore au Liberia (1992).Ces trois cas illustrent l'application d'une pratique qualifiée d'autorisation implicite en matière de recours à la force. Alors que l'autorisation de recourir à la force doit résulter d'une mention explicite du Conseil de sécurité, l'autorisation implicite repose sur une interprétation entre les lignes des résolutions du Conseil afin d'y mettre en évidence une telle autorisation. Les États qui y recourent n'ont guère manqué de préciser qu'un précédent ne saurait se révéler de cette pratique en marge de la légalité internationale. Malgré son caractère controversé, ce moyen juridique tend cependant à devenir le support privilégié des États en l'absence d'une autorisation explicite.D'où, un paradoxe de l'autorisation implicite dont il nous reviendra d'en évaluer la légalité en examinant les modalités de son élaboration et de son application. Les difficultés à trancher la question de sa validité en droit international nous amèneront notamment à dépasser ce standard de légalité pour lui substituer celui de conformité, plus souple, dans un cadre juridique original : la légalité d'exception. Nous verrons enfin que l'approche téléologique de l'autorisation implicite souffre de lacunes substantielles au point de réaffirmer la double exigence du mandat clair ainsi que du contrôle des résolutions du Conseil de sécurité autorisant le recours à la force. / Iraq 2003: a coalition led by the United States and the United Kingdom undertook military action based on a legal authorization to use force implicitly contained in Security Council Resolution 1441 (2002). This argument was also highlighted in Kosovo (1999), and Liberia (1992).These three cases illustrate the application of a practice known as the implied authorization for use of force. While the authorization for use of military force must result from explicit Security Council Resolution, the implied authorization is based on an interprÉtation between the lines of Security Council Resolutions in order to highlight such an authorization. The States that had recourse to it made it abundantly clear that a precedent cannot result of this practice on the sidelines of international legality. However, despite its controversial nature, it tends to become the privileged support of the State in the absence of an explicit authorization.Hence a paradox of the implied authorization which we will assess the legality, by examining the modalities of its elaboration and its application. The difficulties by resolving the question of its validity under international law will lead us to overcome this particular standard of legality by substituting it for that of conformity, more flexible, in an original legal framework: the legality of exception. We shall finally see that the teleological approach of the implied authorization suffers substantial gaps so that we will reaffirm the dual requirement of the clear mandate and the control within the Security Council Resolutions authorizing use of force.

This diploma thesis is called "Relations of Medical Staff and Their Patients." The first part of this diploma thesis deals with patients' rights, their genesis, and the legislative base. It also includes disordered patients, whose patient's rights should not be forgotten during their hospitalization. A large part of my thesis consists of psychological, economic, legal and organizational system limits of the realization of these rights. This means relationship between a doctor and his patient, the source of health care funding, above standard medical care and the privatization of hospitals. The final part of this thesis focuses on the interaction between health professionals in social work and the patients. This thesis is enriched by an interview with the leader of social workers of a hospital in Prague, discussing new patients' right: right on a social worker.