[pt] O objetivo deste trabalho é orientar agências das Nações Unidas, organizações não governamentais e órgãos governamentais engajados na manutenção da paz e da segurança internacional a refletirem acerca da relevância de abordar recursos naturais e mudanças climáticas nos mandatos de operações de paz. Para isso, o trabalho utiliza como ferramenta a análise do conflito em Darfur e do estabelecimento da Missão Conjunta da União Africana e da ONU em Darfur (UNAMID). Assim, o texto apresentará considerações acerca da evolução do conceito de paz e sua influência na alteração do perfil dos mandatos de operações de paz, bem como o crescente debate e publicações feitas no âmbito da ONU sobre os impactos dos recursos naturais e das mudanças climáticas sobre a segurança. Apesar de apresentarem maior engajamento, essas questões não são inseridas nos mandatos per se ou são subvalorizadas, sendo citadas tangencialmente. O conflito em Darfur tem como causa raiz a limitada disponibilidade de terras e a escassez de água em decorrência do clima local, sendo esses fatores exacerbados pelas mudanças climáticas e pelo aumento populacional. Todavia, o conflito local é, muitas vezes, caracterizado como um conflito étnico, de forma que as reais fontes de disputas nunca foram devidamente endereçadas pela UNAMID ao visar a manter, construir e sustentar a paz. Mandatos, resoluções e relatórios do Conselho de Segurança, da Assembleia Geral e do Secretário-Geral das Nações Unidas serão revisados para argumentar sobre a importância de considerar recursos naturais e mudanças climáticas na formulação de um mandato com o objetivo de alcançar a construção e sustentação da paz. / [en] This article aims to guide United Nations (UN) agencies, non-governmental organizations and government agencies engaged in the maintenance of international peace and security to reflect on the relevance of addressing natural resources and climate change in peacekeeping mandates, based on an analysis of the conflict in Darfur and the establishment of the United Nations - African Union Hybrid Operation in Darfur (UNAMID). To this end, it will present considerations about the evolution of the concept of peace and its influence in changing the profile of peace operations mandates, as well as the growing debate and publications at the UN level on the impacts of natural resources and climate change over security. Despite greater engagement, these issues are not included in the mandates per se or are undervalued, being marginally mentioned. The conflict in Darfur has its root causes in the limited availability of land and water scarcity due to the local climate, and these factors are exacerbated by climate change and population growth. Nevertheless, the local conflict is often characterized as an ethnic conflict, therefore the real sources of disputes have never been properly addressed by UNAMID in order to maintain, build and sustain peace. Mandates, resolutions and reports from the Security Council, the General Assembly and the United Nations Secretary-General will be reviewed to argue about the importance of considering natural resources and climate change when formulating a mandate with the aim of achieving peacebuilding and sustaining peace.

Dans un contexte où le terrorisme est de plus en plus présent au sein des conflits civils, les opérations de paix des Nations Unies sont régulièrement déployées au côté de forces de contreterrorisme. Ces derniers manquent généralement d’efficacité dans leur mission en attisant le terrorisme plutôt que de le réduire. Dans ces conditions, en général, les opérations de paix coopèrent avec ces forces de lutte contre le terrorisme ce qui influence leur efficacité dans la mise en œuvre de leur mandat. Au Mali, depuis 2013, la MINUSMA est déployée en parallèle des forces françaises (l’opération Serval puis Barkhane) et d’une force de contreterrorisme créé par les pays du Sahel. Elle coopère avec elles dans la limite de leurs mandats respectifs. La mission doit ainsi faire face à de nouveaux défis dus à un environnement sécuritaire plus complexe, un manque de ressource pour faire face au terrorisme et une coopération avec le local compliqué à mettre en œuvre. Dans ce sens, l’efficacité de la MINUSMA est largement amoindrie par sa coopération avec les interventions militaires de lutte contre le terrorisme. / In a context where terrorism is increasingly present in civil conflicts, United Nations peace operations are regularly deployed alongside counterterrorism forces. The latter are generally ineffective in their mission by fueling terrorism rather than reducing it. Under these conditions, in general, peace operations cooperate with these counterterrorism forces, which influences their effectiveness in the implementation of their mandate. In Mali, since 2013, MINUSMA has been deployed alongside French forces (Operation Serval then Barkhane) and a counterterrorism force created by Sahel countries and cooperating with them within the limits of their respective mandates. The mission must therefore face new challenges due to a more complex security environment, a lack of resources to deal with terrorism and cooperation with the locals which is difficult to implement. In this sense, the effectiveness of MINUSMA is greatly diminished by its cooperation with military interventions that combat terrorism.

[pt] A agenda de proteção de crianças é um tema relevante em Missões de Paz das Nações Unidas. Desenvolvida a partir de 1996, a agenda temática do Conselho de Segurança surgiu com objetivo de proteger menores de 18 anos dos impactos dos conflitos armados. Os Conselheiros de Proteção de Crianças (CPA) surgem com o propósito de materialização dessa agenda nas missões multidimensionais da ONU. Com base na análise da agenda internacional construída ao longo das duas últimas décadas no âmbito do Conselho de Segurança da ONU para garantir a proteção de crianças em situações de conflitos armados, o objetivo do presente trabalho é analisar a forma como tais mecanismos de proteção são traduzidos no trabalho do CPA, considerando, assim, os limites desse ferramental. Será analisado o caso dos CPAs na Missão de Estabilização das Nações Unidas na República Democrática do Congo (MONUSCO), já que é missão mais antiga e com maior número de CPAs atualmente. Dentre os principais achados da análise está o fato dos CPAs que trabalham no país possuírem um mandato muito extenso em um contexto local muito complexo, e no qual os recursos financeiros e humanos são escassos. Ademais, o trabalho desenvolve a necessidade de problematização da compreensão da criança nos moldes modernos, no qual a criança é entendida como apolítica, vulnerável e vítima nos contextos de conflitos armados. / [en] The child protection agenda is a relevant theme in United Nations Peace Missions. Developed since 1996, the Security Council s thematic agenda emerged with the aim of protecting children under the age of 18 from the impacts of armed conflict. The Child Protection Advisers (CPAs) come up with the purpose of materializing this agenda in the UN multidimensional missions. Based on the analysis of the international agenda built over the last two decades within the framework of the UN Security Council to ensure the protection of children in situations of armed conflict, the objective of this work is to analyze how these protection mechanisms are translated in the work of the CPA, thus considering the limits of this tools. Will be analyzed the case of the CPAs in the United Nations Stabilization Mission in the Democratic Republic of Congo (MONUSCO), since it is the oldest mission with the highest number of CPAs currently. Among the main findings of the analysis is the fact that CPAs working at DRC have a very large mandate in a very complex local context, and in which human and financial resources are scarce. In addition, the work develops the need to problematize the child s understanding in modern ways, in which the child is understood as apolitical, vulnerable and victim in the context of armed conflicts.

[pt] Esta dissertação examina as políticas de proteção à criança-soldado no contexto do conflito armado da região dos Kivus, no leste da República Democrática do Congo. A investigação se propõe a analisar de que forma são aplicadas as normas, regras e tratados de proteção às crianças-soldado estabelecidos no sistema internacional na complexidade e particularidade de um conflito local. À luz da hipótese de que as políticas elaboradas na esfera internacional podem encontrar entraves para sua aplicação local efetiva devido a fatores históricos, sociais, políticos, geográficos e econômicos, investigamos como essa execução foi operacionalizada pelo programa de Desarmamento, Desmobilização e Reintegração (DDR) na missão de manutenção da paz da ONU na República Democrática do Congo, a MONUC. / [en] This dissertation examines the politics of protection to the child soldier in the context of the armed conflict in the Kivus Region, east of the Democratic Republic of Congo. The investigation proposes itself to analyse in which way the norms, rules and treaties of protection of the child soldiers stablished in the international system are applied in the complexity and particularity of a local conflict. In light of the hypothesis that the politics elaborated in the international sphere can find obstacles to its effective local application due to historical, social, political geographical and economic factors, we investigate how this execution were operationalized in the program for Disarmament, Demobilization and Reintegration (DDR) in the ONU’s peacekeeping mission in the Democratic Republic of Congo.

[pt] A tese oferece uma leitura pós-estrutural e pós-colonial/decolonial sobre a intersecção entre os atores políticos e midiáticos estadunidenses, especialmente o The New York Times (NYT), sobre Somália e Ruanda. O argumento principal que discursos calcados na política do statecraft, disseminados em perspectiva comparada, pelos atores políticos e midiáticos estadunidenses sobre Somália e Ruanda, durante as décadas de 1990 frente aos anos 2000, foram caracterizados mais pelas continuidades, do que pelas descontinuidades das narrativas, tendo em vista as práticas coloniais reiteradas ao longo de décadas sobre os países africanos. Salienta-se que esta tese visa preencher a lacuna sobre os estudos multidisciplinares entre as Relações Internacionais e a Comunicação Social, especificamente nas agendas sobre (P)política E(e)xterna estadunidense, por intermédio da análise discursiva à guisa da semiótica. Argumenta-se, nesta tese, que as narrativas orientalistas disseminadas pelos atores políticos e midiáticos estadunidenses sobre Somália e Ruanda no transcorrer do tempo replicaram hegemônicas representações que diz mais sobre o Ocidente do que propriamente sobre o Oriente – leia-se Áfricas. Estes discursos foram mobilizados por meio de uma política comparada que vem posicionando os atores africanos aqui analisados em relações hierárquicas entre si. Propõe-se chamar a atenção para o modo homogêneo e monolítico pelo qual as sociedades africanas são abordadas. A tese sugere que as práticas coloniais são mantidas tendo em vista a reprodução de hierarquias das sociedades africanas em relação ao Self estadunidense. Veremos como ao longo do tempo a Somália deixa o status de sociedade faminta e passa ser retratada enquanto país símbolo do terrorismo. Já Ruanda antes vista como uma sociedade produtora da guerra civil/geno(cídios), torna-se nos anos 2000, o país símbolo do sucesso e prosperidade no continente africano na medida em que adere à paz híbrida no pós-geno(cídios). Ao fazer adesão a paz híbrida, Ruanda, à luz do etnocentrismo, permaneceu vinculada, mediante múltiplas resistências, a uma determinada concepção de modernidade, já que suas reformas estatais estiveram alinhadas ao melhores modelos de gestão traduzidos na forma de um trinômio segurança-humanitarismo-desenvolvimento. / [en] The dissertation offers a post-structural and post-colonial/decolonial reading on the intersection between US politicians and media, especially The New York Times (NYT), on Somalia and Rwanda. The main arguments that speeches grounded in the perspective of the state, by politicians and mid-American discourses Somalia and Rwanda, during the decades to the 2000s, were characterized more of continuities by 1990, than front of continuities of the narratives, for now in view of colonial practices reiterated over decades on African countries. It should be noted that this thesis fills a gap on multidisciplinary studies between International Relations and Social Communication, specifically in the agendas on American (F)foreign (P)policy, through discursive analysis in the guise of semiotics. It is argued, in this thesis, that the eastern narratives disseminated by US political and media actors about Somalia and Rwanda over time replicated hegemonic representations that say more about the West than about the East itself – that is, Africas. These relationships were mobilized through comparative politics that have been positioning the actors here between more hierarchical discourses. It is proposed to draw attention to the homogeneous and monolithic way in which African societies are approached. The thesis suggests that colonial practices are maintained in view of the reproduction of hierarchies of African societies in relation to the American Self. We will see how, over time, Somalia leaves the status of a starving society and starts to be portrayed as a country that is a symbol of terrorism. Rwanda, previously seen as a society producing civil war/geno(cides), becomes, in the 2000s, the country symbol of success and prosperity on the African continent as it adheres to the hybrid peace in the post-geno(cides). By joining peace, Rwanda to light and trinity, determined, maintained already secure, to a creation of modern management models, that its improvements are linked to the creation of modern management models, that its improvements are linked to a creation of management models, which are their best models of creating an age, that their improvements are linked to a management model translated into security. humanitarianism-development..

This thesis investigates both substantive and procedural issues pertaining to allegations of crimes committed by UN peacekeepers in three African countries, Somalia, Burundi, and the Democratic Republic of Congo. Under the current UN Model Status-of-Forces Agreements, criminal jurisdiction over peacekeepers rests with their sending States. However, although the UN has no criminal jurisdiction, it has been the Office of Internal Oversight Services that has conducted investigations. It is argued that every Status of Force Agreement and every Memorandum of Understanding should contain specific clauses obligating Troop-Contributing Countries to prosecute and the UN to follow-up. If rape, murder, assault, and any other crimes by UN peacekeepers go unpunished, the message sent to the victims is that peacekeepers are above the law. Rape is the most commonly committed crime by peacekeepers, but is usually considered as an isolated act. The procedural issue of prosecuting peacekeepers is investigated in order to establish whether troops can be caught under the ambits of the criminal law of the Host State to hold UN troops criminally accountable for their acts. The laws relative to the elements of each crime and the possible available defences under the three Host States, and the criminal law of South Africa as a Troop-Contributing Country, are discussed. The apparent lack of prosecution is investigated and existing cases of prosecution discussed. Alternatives to the unwillingness by States with criminal jurisdiction under the Status of Forces Agreement or under the Memorandum of Understanding are considered. Considering the current rules related to crimes committed by peacekeepers, the argument put forward is that crimes by peacekeepers must be dealt with completely and transparently though a Convention aiming at barring Troop-Contributing Countries who do not meet their obligations under international law from participating in future operations of peace. This thesis, furthermore, suggests a tripartite court mechanism to fill the lacunae in the law relating to the prosecution of peacekeepers. It considers the issues of reserving jurisdiction over peacekeepers to the Troop-Contributing Countries which are reluctant to prosecute repatriated alleged perpetrators. The victims’ importance in criminal proceedings and their their right to a remedy are highlighted. / Criminal & Procedural Law / LL.D.

La République Centrafricaine (RCA) ou Centrafrique, comme beaucoup de pays d’Afrique noire, amorce la mise en place d’un régime démocratique en 1990. Elle organise les élections multipartites dont le premier président démocratiquement élu est Ange Félix Patassé. Le cap de l’entrée en régime démocratique semble passé avec succès. Mais les vieilles méthodesrefont surface, occasionnant la contestation. En 1996 éclate une crise politico-militaire ponctuée par trois mutineries, puis une série de coups d’État. Elle atteint son apogée en 2013-2015 avec un conflit opposant deux communautés. C’est à la suite de ces événements que se fait le déploiement, en 1997, d’une force militaire de paix conformément aux « accords de Bangui » de 1997 : la Mission Interafricaine du Suivi des Accords de Bangui (MISAB). Elle marque le début d’une succession d’opérations destinées à maintenir ou rétablir la paix. Elle s’accompagne d’interventions humanitaires où le CICR et MSF jouent un rôle majeur. Cette recherche analyse ces actions de 1990 à 2015. Elle étudie dans la première partie le rôle des acteurs africains dans la résolution de ce conflit et dans la deuxième partie la participation des acteurs internationaux. / The Central African Republic (CAR) or Centrafrique, as many black African countries, begins the establishment of a democratic regime in 1990. It organized multi-party elections which the first democratically elected president is Ange Félix Patassé. The cap of the entrance to democratic regime seems past successfully. But the old methods resurface, causing protests. In 1996 bursts a politico-military crisis punctuated by three mutinies, then a succession of putsch. It reached its peaks in 2013-2015 with a conflict between two communities. It is following these events that are made the deployment in 1997, of a peacemilitary force according to the “agreements of Bangui” in 1997: The Inter-African of monitoring the agreements of Bangui (MISAB). It marks the beginning of a series of operations intended to maintain or to restore the peace. It goes along with humanitarian interventions where the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) and Doctors without borders (MSF) play a major role. This research analyzes these actions from 1990 to 2015. It studies in the first part the role of the African actors in the resolution of this conflict and in the second part the participation of the international actors.

This thesis investigates both substantive and procedural issues pertaining to allegations of crimes committed by UN peacekeepers in three African countries, Somalia, Burundi, and the Democratic Republic of Congo. Under the current UN Model Status-of-Forces Agreements, criminal jurisdiction over peacekeepers rests with their sending States. However, although the UN has no criminal jurisdiction, it has been the Office of Internal Oversight Services that has conducted investigations. It is argued that every Status of Force Agreement and every Memorandum of Understanding should contain specific clauses obligating Troop-Contributing Countries to prosecute and the UN to follow-up. If rape, murder, assault, and any other crimes by UN peacekeepers go unpunished, the message sent to the victims is that peacekeepers are above the law. Rape is the most commonly committed crime by peacekeepers, but is usually considered as an isolated act. The procedural issue of prosecuting peacekeepers is investigated in order to establish whether troops can be caught under the ambits of the criminal law of the Host State to hold UN troops criminally accountable for their acts. The laws relative to the elements of each crime and the possible available defences under the three Host States, and the criminal law of South Africa as a Troop-Contributing Country, are discussed. The apparent lack of prosecution is investigated and existing cases of prosecution discussed. Alternatives to the unwillingness by States with criminal jurisdiction under the Status of Forces Agreement or under the Memorandum of Understanding are considered. Considering the current rules related to crimes committed by peacekeepers, the argument put forward is that crimes by peacekeepers must be dealt with completely and transparently though a Convention aiming at barring Troop-Contributing Countries who do not meet their obligations under international law from participating in future operations of peace. This thesis, furthermore, suggests a tripartite court mechanism to fill the lacunae in the law relating to the prosecution of peacekeepers. It considers the issues of reserving jurisdiction over peacekeepers to the Troop-Contributing Countries which are reluctant to prosecute repatriated alleged perpetrators. The victims’ importance in criminal proceedings and their their right to a remedy are highlighted. / Criminal and Procedural Law / LL.D.