Este trabalho analisa a trajetória da assistência dos Estados Unidos da América à Colômbia para o combate às drogas a partir de 2002. Considerando o histórico de aproximação entre os dois países relativa a políticas sobre drogas, pretende-se explicar o motivo da diminuição da assistência antidrogas dos Estados Unidos à Colômbia no final da década de 2000. A hipótese deste estudo assinala que esta diminuição é explicada devido à posse de Barack Hussein Obama como presidente dos Estados Unidos, em 2009, e às alterações da política externa da Colômbia com a eleição do novo presidente Juan Manuel Santos Calderón, em 2010. Com efeito, houve diminuição considerável do poder das Forças Armadas Revolucionárias da Colômbia (FARC) após o Plano Colômbia, facilitando a abertura dos diálogos de paz e seu tratamento menos militarizado nos mandatos de Santos e Obama. Neste trabalho, são apresentados um histórico do combate às drogas e aos grupos insurgentes, além das principais diretrizes da Polícia Externa da Colômbia e suas relações com os Estados Unidos. Ademais, são expostos os dados referentes à assistência policial, militar, humanitária e econômica estadunidense à Colômbia para o combate às drogas, as agências norte-americanas de fomento à assistência internacional, os acordos bilaterais vigentes entre estes países, bem como a legislação que rege o repasse de recursos norte-americanos ao exterior. / This paper intends to present the trajectory of U.S. assistance to Colombia in regards to drug fighting from the year of 2002. Considering the historical alignment between these two countries concerning drug policies, this study intends to explain the reason behind the decrease in counternarcotics assistance provided by the USA to Colombia at the end of 2000s decade. The hypothesis of this work suggests that the reduction in counternarcotics assistance is resulting from the beginning of the American presidential term of Barack Hussein Obama in 2009, and the change in Colombian foreign policy with the new president Juan Manuel Santos Calderón in 2010. In fact, the power of Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC) decreased after Plan Colombia, hence it enabled the beginning of peace talks and its less militarized treatment during Santos and Obama terms. In this work, the history of the fight against drugs and insurgent groups will be discussed, as well as the main guidelines followed by the Colombian Foreign Policy, and its relations with the USA. Additionally, it will be present data on the United States military, police, humanitarian and economic assistance used to combat the drug problem in Colombia, and information on American agencies that promote international assistance. Further information on the bilateral agreements between these countries, as well as legislations that allow American resources abroad will be discussed.

A tese busca apresentar uma explicação para a formulação da política externa norte-americana para a República Popular da China, a partir da disputa de grupos de interesse doméstico por espaço nessa política. Essa disputa tem por locus o Congresso dos EUA. Das formas de relação entre os grupos domésticos e os membros do Legislativo, o trabalho elege o financiamento de campanhas eleitorais combinado com os perfis político-ideológicos dos congressistas. Destes, são examinados os que introduziram propostas levadas à votação em plenário, nas duas casas legislativas. São também verificados os resultados dessas propostas em plenário. A combinação do financiamento de campanha com o perfil político-ideológico permite o estabelecimento de categorias de identificação desses congressistas. As categorias apontam para a aceitação ou a rejeição das relações sino-norte-americanas. Com base nessas categorias, é verificada a inclinação à cooperação da política externa dos EUA para a República Popular da China. / This thesis aims to present a explaining to the formulation of the U.S. Policy toward People´s Republic of China, from the dispute of interest domestic groups for a room in this Policy. Dispute has locus on the U. S. Congress. From kinds of relations among domestic groups and members of the Legislative, this work chooses elections campaigns financing combined with the politic-ideological side view of the members of the Congress. Among these are investigated sponsors and cosponsors responsible for introduce proposes for roll call at plenary assemblies of both Legislative Houses. Vote results are examined too. The arrangement of elections campaigns financing with politic-ideological side view allows the institution of identification categories of the members. These categories point toward acceptance or rejection of the US-China relations. Based at these categories, is determined the tendency to cooperation for the US policy toward China.

Este trabalho, organizado sob a forma de dois artigos, faz uma análise da evolução da agropecuária do Brasil e dos EUA, respectivamente, de 1986 a 2004 e de 1960 a 2001, dando destaque à análise econométrica das principais variáveis que determinam a participação da agropecuária no PIB. Os EUA, no período de 1973 a 2001, apresentaram uma tendência decrescente da participação da agropecuária no PIB, e o Brasil apresentou este comportamento de 1986 a 1993, revertendo a tendência de 1993 a 2004, contrariando a tendência mundial apresentada na literatura. Por meio de gráficos, verifica-se o crescimento da produção física da agropecuária do Brasil e dos EUA para os respectivos períodos, com grande crescimento da produtividade total dos fatores. Esta última, nos EUA, se associa com a presença de subsídios governamentais à agropecuária. Para o caso brasileiro, o crescimento da participação da agropecuária no PIB ocorreu com grande influência da elevação da relação de preços recebidos/preços pagos, variável que apresentou comportamento descendente no caso dos EUA. Baseado em um modelo contábil que explicita as variáveis que determinam a participação da agropecuária no PIB, um modelo econométrico é definido e estimado para ambos os países. Constata-se que as principais variáveis determinantes da participação da agropecuária no PIB (em ordem decrescente), para o Brasil, no período de 1993 a 2004, são: a produtividade da indústria, a razão preços recebidos/ preços pagos pela agropecuária, a produtividade da agropecuária e a participação defasada da agropecuária no PIB; e para os EUA, no período de 1973 a 2001, são: a relação de preços recebidos/ preços pagos pela agropecuária, o valor defasado dessa participação e a Produtividade Total dos Fatores - PTF da agropecuária. / Organized in two papers, this dissertation analyzes the evolution of agriculture in the Brazil and the USA from 1986 to 2004 and from 1960 to 2001, respectively. Special attention is paid to an econometric analysis of the main variables that determine the participation of agriculture in the Brazilian and the US agriculture. From 1973 to 2001, agriculture had a downward trend in the US gross domestic product (GDP). The same trend had happened in Brazil from 1986 to 1993, but it reversed from 1993 to 2004, what is clearly different from the worldwide trend. Dataset organized in graphs show a steady increase of physical production in both Brazilian and US agricultures during the time periods above mentioned, followed by the increase of total factor productivity. The latter at the USA is closely related to the grants of Federal subsidies. The enlargement of received prices/paid prices ratio in Brazil play an important role in the growth of agriculture\'s participation in the GDP, while the downward trend of this variable at the USA helps to explain the decrease of agriculture\'s participation in the US GDP. An accounting model is developed to diagnose the main variables that determine the agriculture\'s participation in a country\'s GDP and an econometric model is derived from this accounting model. Running the econometric model to Brazil from 1993 to 2004, the main variables determining the agriculture\'s participation in the GDP (counting down) are: industrial productivity, received/paid prices ratio, agriculture productivity and lagged value of agriculture\'s participation in the GDP. The same analysis to the USA, using dataset from 1973 to 2001, shows the main variables to be: received/paid prices ratio, lagged value of agriculture\'s participation in the GDP and total factor productivity of agriculture.

The aim of this thesis is to analyze whether there are any differences in how the two American presidential administrations of Clinton and Obama have formed their foreign policy, in regards to North Korea. In order to carry out my analysis I have gathered relevant material from public statements made by Presidents Clinton and Obama, as well as their respective Secretaries of Defense. My theoretical framework consists of constructivism, and of doctrine. The material is then presented and illustrated with the help of word clouds. The conclusions I have been able to reach show that there were different foreign policy doctrines between Presidents Clinton and Obama. President Clinton’s administration was more focused on preventing North Korea from becoming a nuclear state, whereas the administration of President Obama needed to prevent the North Koreans from using their nuclear arsenal.

Ce travail a pour point de départ une analyse quantitative de l’objet »storyboard » faite sur un large corpus. La taxinomie ainsi établie, croisée avec une approche qualitative, nous permet de mettre en lumière des codes de communication et des invariants inhérents à ce dispositif de pré-production. Cela aboutit, dans un premier temps, à la définition de l’outil storyboard parmi les autres dessins de préparation cinématographique. Le classement des données en fonction de leur période apporte ensuite une perspective nouvelle à l’analyse : c’est par l’objet, trace de sa propre histoire et vecteur de pensées, que se dessinent les interactions sociales et la professionnalisation de ceux qui le confectionnent. L’étude porte sur deux conceptions différentes de la pratique du storyboard, d’un côté et de l’autre de l’Atlantique. / The starting point of this work involves a quantitative analysis of the object »storyboard » applied on a large corpus. The taxonomy here established, crossed witha qualitative approach, allows one to reveal communication codes and invariantsinherent to this preproduction device. This first leads to the definition of the toolstoryboard among other film preparation drawings. The classification of the dataaccording to its period then brings a new perspective to the analysis: it is through theobject, vestige of its own story and vector of ideas, from which are drawn the socialinteractions and the professionalization of those who manufacture it. The studyconcerns two different conceptions of the storyboarding practice, on both sides of theAtlantic Ocean

The aim of this thesis is to examine the foreign relations between Czechoslovakia and the United States of America during the second decade of the twentieth century. Particular attention is focused on the Czechoslovak effort to build a close relationship with the United States, an endeavor which resulted from the previous generous support, as many contemporaries believed, the United States provided to the Czechoslovak movement for independency during the World War I. The major objective of this study is thus to present evidence that Czechoslovak diplomacy intentionally pursued the vision of a stronger, above average bond with the United States. Furthermore, it attempts to assess to which extent was the Czechoslovak policy successful and which limitations it had to face. In this effort, the thesis mainly draws on extensive study of the archive materials from the Ministry of Foreign Affairs.

The subject of this thesis is the embargo imposed by the United States on Cuba. The first part of the thesis examines embargo as an instrument of foreign policy as well as its place in US foreign policy. The second part deals with the evolution of the embargo toward Cuba in political context from events preceding its declaration until recent months. The last part analyses impact of the embargo on the economies of Cuba and the United States.

Cette thèse propose une étude des représentations de la négociation diplomatique et de leurs implications sur la décision de négocier. A travers une analyse comparée de la politique étrangère des dirigeants américains confrontés aux programmes nucléaires nord-coréen et iranien de 1993 à 2012, elle entend mettre en lumière le rôle des pratiques représentationnelles dans l’acceptation et le refus de négocier et sur les modalités de négociation.L’analyse des discours des membres des administrations Clinton, Bush et Obama à l’aide d’une méthodologie constructiviste permet l’identification de leur imaginaire sécuritaire, grille de lecture à travers laquelle les dirigeants américains ont appréhendé la complexité des problématiques nucléaires nord-coréenne et iranienne et agi en conséquence. L’opérationnalisation de leurs interprétations a toutefois donné lieu à des politiques distinctes en matière de négociation. La thèse discute les implications identitaires que les dirigeants américains ont attribuées à ces politiques, en matière de sécurité ontologique des États-Unis face à la Corée du Nord, en matière de préservation de l’identité de la « communauté internationale » face à l’Iran. Ce faisant, elle propose une compréhension des différences de traitement des problématiques nucléaires nord-coréenne et iranienne et de leur évolution. / This thesis is a study of diplomatic negotiation’s representations and the way these representations impact the decision to negotiate. Through a comparative analysis of the American foreign policy towards the nuclear programs of North Korea and Iran from 1993 to 2012, the role played by representational practices in the acceptance and the refusal to negotiate is enlightened, as well as their role in defining negotiation’s terms.A constructivist discourse’s analysis of the Clinton, Bush and Obama administrations’ speeches allows to identify their security imaginary as an interpretative frame. American leaders grasped the complexity of North-Korean and Iranian nuclear issues through this interpretative frame and took action accordingly. However, the operationalization of their interpretations produced various practices regarding negotiation. The thesis challenges the identity consequences attributed to these practices by the American leaders for the United States, in terms of ontological security in the North-Korean case and in terms of maintaining the “we-ness” of the “international community” in the Iranian case. In doing so, the thesis suggests an understanding of the differences in the way the American administrations responded to North-Korean and Iranian nuclear issues as well as an understanding of their evolutions.

Tatev Derzyan (41794665) The Effectiveness of Erasmus+ and UGRAD Soft Power on Armenia during Hard Times (Nagorno-Karabakh War 2020) Abstract The thesis focuses on soft power and public diplomacy through exchange study programs of the European Union and the United States. Precisely, the thesis studies the influence of the educational exchange programs (Erasmus+ and UGRAD) on the Armenian exchange students in the scope of soft power. After establishing the influence of the exchange programs on the formation of the perceptions about the host countries, the thesis further focuses on the sustainability of the perception taking into consideration the Nagorno-Karabakh Second war which is a 'critical juncture' as it was a dramatic event in the life of the Armenian youth and could have influenced their views of the EU and the US. It is important to note that the academic literature on the exchange students' perceptions does not provide any studies through the lenses of the political events in the participants' home country. Thirty-nine semi-structured interviews have been conducted among the Erasmus+ and UGRAD participants from Armenia alongside the content analysis of the documents that the EU and the US released during the Nagorno-Karabakh Second war in order to understand what was the politics of the host...

MA thesis project Klára Schneiderová PREDICATE ANALYSIS AND ANALYSIS OF METAPHORS USED IN MESSAGES ATTRIBUTED TO OSAMA BIN LADEN REGARDING THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICAAND THEIR EUROPEAN ALLIES FOLLOWING THE 2003 INVASION OF IRAQ INTRODUCTION - War on terror = war on Islam? (analysis of fundamentalist logic and stream of thought) For this Master thesis project, I chose to analyze the terrorist discourse of Osama bin Laden, the leader of the global Jihadist network, al-Qaeda, particularly his messages regarding the United States of America and its European allies following the 2003 invasion of Iraq, as they were gathered in various relevant sources of record up to the near present.1 I chose this topic due to my long-term interest in the Middle East, particularly the relationship and links between religious ideology and politics in the region. The methodology chosen for this work is closely related to media image analysis which I became familiar with during my previous studies and which I applied in my Bachelor's thesis. In the world today, I believe it has become increasingly important to reflect, observe and closely examine the roots and foundations of fundamentalist argumentation and logic, which in this case serve as the key motors of the global Jihadist movement. Following the 9-11-01 terrorist attacks...