The United States Whistleblower Program’s inadequate protections have placed the privacy and confidentiality rights of United States taxpayers in a vulnerable state. By using the United States Whistleblower Program as an example, this paper seeks to illustrate the risk of eroding the confidentiality and privacy rights of the taxpayer, which is a risk that other national and international governments should likewise attempt to mitigate in their own whistleblower protection programs.

Mémoire présenté à la Faculté des études supérieures en vue de l'obtention du grade de Maîtrise en droit (L.LM.) / Ce texte a pour ambition d'expliquer les tenants et aboutissants de la brevetabilité des logiciels. Dans cette optique, notre première partie consistera à poser les bases du débat. Cela sera notamment fait en analysant les raisons pour lesquelles la brevetabilité des logiciels a été consacrée. Le texte mettra ainsi l'emphase sur l'inefficacité du droit d'auteur à protéger les logiciels. En outre, l'étude du mécanisme du brevet nous montrera que ce dernier constituait une solution plus adaptée que le droit d'auteur à la protection des logiciels. Ensuite, dans le cadre d'une seconde partie, il s'agira d'analyser le phénomène de la brevetabilité en tant que telle, au travers de notre champ d'étude, en l'occurrence le Canada, les États-Unis et les États européens. Cela consistera tout d'abord à apprécier l'ampleur du phénomène, à savoir s'il s'est plus ou moins développé en fonction de tel(s) ou tel(s) État(s). Les États-Unis ayant pleinement consacré la brevetabilité des logiciels, quand d'autres l'ont plus ou moins rejeté, le texte, se focalisant principalement sur la société américaine, analysera les conséquences engendrées par cette adoption, notamment en terme de concurrence et d'innovation. En outre, afin de pouvoir apprécier l'opportunité de la brevetabilité des logiciels, une comparaison de l'état du système de brevet américain avec les systèmes canadien et français sera nécessaire. Un constat assez pessimiste à l'égard de l'actuelle brevetabilité des logiciels étant alors établi, le texte proposera des aménagements au système des brevets afin que l'innovation et la concurrence dans le secteur du logiciel soit préservée ou rétablie. / The purpose of this text is to explain the issues of software patentability. From this perspective our first part will set up the background of the debate. It will be done in particular by analysing the reasons why software patentability was adopted. The text will thus emphasize the ineffectiveness of copyright in protecting software. Moreover a study of the patent mechanism will reveal that this system is better suited to protect software than copyright is. Next, within the second part we will analyse the patentability phenomenom as it relates to our field of study, namely, Canada, the United States of America and European countries. First of aIl, this will consist in assessing the scope of the phenomenom, that is to say if it is more or less developed in a given country. Insofar as the United States of America has totally accepted the patentability software, while sorne other countries have more or less rejected it, the text, focusing mainly on the American society, will analyse the consequences generated by the adoption of this notion (i.e., the patentability of software), in particular considering competition and innovation. Moreover, in order to evaluate software patentability is a more opportune choice, a comparison between the American patent system with the Canadian and French ones will be necessary. A rather pessimistic conclusion regarding the current acceptance of software patentability being drawn, the text will suggest sorne adjustments to the patent system in order to preserve or restore innovation and competition into the software market.

Donald Trump tog världen med storm när han deltog i det amerikanska presidentvalet och sedermera blev vald. Uppsatsen undersöker om Donald Trump kan placeras på en fascistisk skala baserat på hans uttalanden i sex tal; samt hur det kristna stödet, som Donald Trump erhöll i valet, kan förklaras. Sex tal analyseras med basen i kvalitativ textanalys och kategoriseras i fem kategorier för fascism.   Det kristna stödet kan förklaras genom gemensamma värderingar, Lakoffs Strict Father morality, i kombination med rädsla. Rädslan över vad som ska hända med AFS med Hillary Clinton som president är stor, är en tung faktor för konservativa kristna att rösta på Donald Trump. Studien kommer fram till att Donald Trump kan klassificeras som semi-fascist då han delvis uppfyller de kriterier som studien grundar sig på. / Donald Trump chocked the world when he decided to run for president of the United States of America, and won. This study examines if Donald Trump may be placed on a fascist scale based on his statements in six speeches; and how the Christian support, that he received, may be explained. The speeches have been analysed based on a qualitative text analysis and been categorized in to five categories of fascism.   The Christian support may be explained by common values; Lakoff’s Strict Father morality, in combination with fear. The fear for what may happen to the U.S. with Hillary Clinton as president has a big impact on why conservative Christians voted for Donald Trump. The conclusion of this study is that Donald Trump can be classified as a semi-fascist as he partly fulfils the fascist criteria this study presents.

La fête nationale française, décrétée en 1880, vise à consolider l’adhésion à la Troisième République, régime né dix ans auparavant et toujours en déficit de légitimité. Malgré les efforts du gouvernement pour rejoindre les Français de toutes allégeances, des discordes idéologiques persistent et la fête nationale du 14-Juillet ne parvient pas à faire l'unanimité. Telle est la situation sociale et politique de la France à l’aube de la Grande Guerre. Alors que se multiplient les batailles et les pertes militaires, la conviction d'une guerre courte fait place à la réalité d'une guerre aussi destructrice qu’interminable. Les 14-Juillet de ces années-là démontrent la nécessité d'adapter les célébrations nationales à la réalité de la guerre totale et des besoins qu'elle engendre. Parallèlement, le deuil et la souffrance de la guerre ravivent les oppositions sociales et politiques d'avant-guerre, remettant en question les capacités du gouvernement à faire face à la situation, menaçant tant l'Union Sacrée que la République. L'entrée en guerre des États-Unis, en avril 1917, offre l'occasion à quelques hommes politiques prévoyants de rétablir la cohésion sociale autour des valeurs républicaines. En 1917, puis en 1918, le gouvernement mise sur l'union des fêtes nationales républicaines française et américaine pour ranimer l'espoir, le courage et le patriotisme de tous les Français. Au-delà de l'hommage rendu à un allié que l'on espérait plus, l'union des deux fêtes devient le symbole de la solidarité et de la fraternité qui unit les deux Républiques-sœurs, et réaffirme la force et la légitimité du régime français en place. Le 14-Juillet, emblème du parcours social et politique français, connaît donc, à l’occasion de la Grande Guerre, une mutation, une redéfinition de sens. À l'image de la France, « moderne », le 14-Juillet tel que développé lors du conflit, ne cesse de s'adapter aux besoins et à l'image d'une société en constante évolution. / The French national holiday, Bastille Day, was established in 1880 to strengthen popular support to the Third Republic, a disesteemed political regime born ten years earlier. Despite the government’s efforts to rally French people of all allegiances, ideological discord persisted and the parties involved were unable to reach a unanimous decision regarding the national holiday of July 14. Such was the political and social situation in France in 1914, at the dawn of the Great War. While battles and military losses multiply, convictions of a short war gave way to the reality of an endless and destructive conflict. During the years of ceaseless battles, the celebrations of the Bastille Day demonstrated the necessity of adapting national holidays to the context and needs brought to a country by a total war. In parallel, the mourning and suffering birthed by the Great War revived pre-war oppositions, both social and political, thus undermining the Union sacrée, as well as the Republic. The United-State’s involvement in World War I, beginning in April 1917, offered to a few passionate and far-sighted political figures the opportunity to restore consensus among the French people on republican values. In 1917 and 1918, the French government united both French and American national holidays, in the hope to revive optimism, courage and patriotism amongst the population. Beyond the initial tribute to a long sought-after ally, the union of national holidays became a symbol of solidarity and fraternity between both republics, thereby reaffirming the strength and legitimacy of the French political regime in place. The French national holiday, emblematic of the social and political evolution of its people, faced a sense-defining mutation during the Great War. The “Modern” Bastille Day, as developed during the war, never ceases to adapt to the needs and image of the ever-growing society it celebrates.

ŘEZNÍČKOVÁ, M. Contemporary music studies at the University of St. Thomas in Minnesota in comparison with the study of music in the Czech Republic. Prague 2014. Dissertation. Charles University in Prague. College of education. Department of Music Education. Keywords: study, music, pedagogy, Czech Republic, United States of America, Charles University, University of St. Thomas Master thesis titled "Contemporary music studies at the University of St. Thomas in Minnesota in comparison with the study of music in the Czech Republic" introduces the study on two different continents. At first it concerns with the general system of education in the USA at the primary schools, high schools and universities; then with the comparison of American music education system with the Czech system. The next chapter focuses on the University of St. Thomas and on the concrete specification of music studies. The last part of the thesis pays close attention to the specific comparison of selected disciplines within the approbation of music teacher. The main goal of the master thesis is to create a comprehensive overview of the American education system, subsequent comparison of musical education at the University of St. Thomas in Minnesota with the system at the pedagogical faculty of the Charles University and then the...

Esta Dissertação tem por finalidade examinar as diferentes formas por que o federalismo pode e vem se manifestando desde o modelo embrionário, dos Estados Unidos da América, até a união de Estados nacionais que integra a União Européia. Como primeiro passo, destaca os elementos constitutivos do Estado Federal, com ênfase na importância do fator descentralização do poder na construção de um Estado composto formado por Estados autônomos; em seguida, investiga as origens históricas do federalismo antigo e do norte-americano, na busca dos motivos que levaram à criação de tão inovadora forma de governo de modo particular, traz a abordagem de um caso emblemático de federalismo assimétrico, o das Comunidades Autônomas espanholas, a em de demonstrar a complexidade de coexistência em um só Estado de diversas nacionalidades, etnias, tradições regionais etc.; depois, apresenta o impacto do caso europeu, sem precedentes, em uma era globalizada, ante a necessidade de um processo de integração de maior consistência entre Estados. Culmina por perscrutar os fatores federativos emergentes do Tratado de Lisboa, aprovado em 2009. / The purpose of this thesis is to examine into the different ways federalism may assume and has assumed from the embryonic model of the United States of America through the union of national States found in the European Union. As a first step, this study points out the constitutive elements of the federal State, focusing on the power decentralization factor in building a composite State formed of autonomous States. Next, the historic origins of the ancient and the American federalism will be examined, in an attempt to identify the reasons that lead to the creation of such an innovative form of government. Particularly, an emblematic case of asymmetric federalism will be studied, namely, the Spanish Autonomous Communities, in order to demonstrate the complexity of the cohabitation, in a single State, of several nationalities, ethnic groups, regional traditions, etc. Finally, the impact of the unprecedented European case in a global era, in view of the need for a more consistent integration process among States, will be analyzed. The study culminates with an investigation into the federative factors emerging from the Lisbon Treaty ratified in 2009.

\"Ask me to send these photos to you\" tem como foco principal a produção fotográfica realizada por Alair Gomes durante as décadas de 1970 e 1980 nos Estados Unidos (EUA). As análises abarcam o ensaio The Balcony (a photo portfolio), publicado na revista Performance, em 1971; a participação no livro de artista Artists Almanac, em 1975; o ensaio Carnival in Rio: a photo essay, que fez parte de Gay Sunshine - Journal of Gay Liberation em 1979 e, finalmente, as suas fotografias que estiveram presentes nas revistas The Advocate, em 1983 e em Advocate MEN, em 1987. O conjunto dos cinco trabalhos obteve uma circulação pública efetiva tanto no meio das artes quanto no de uma homossociabilidade norte-americana. Ele apresenta uma série de elementos formais e estruturais que caracterizam esta produção de Alair Gomes, como a sequencialidade de múltiplas imagens fotográficas e o suporte impresso como espaço de produção do trabalho de arte. A proposta foi a de realizar uma leitura sobre a produção de Alair Gomes que amplie o relação estabelecida entre a sua fotografia e o homoerotismo, destacando a aproximação do fotógrafo de agentes e instituições dos campos científico, universitário e cultural, tanto carioca quanto norte-americano. Essa multiplicidade de pontos de contato elemento-chave da nossa proposta de análise, pois incidiu sobre os caminhos artísticos de sua produção fotográfica. / \"Ask me to send these photos to you\" is mainly focused on the photographic work of Alair Gomes during the 1970s and 1980s in the United States (US). The analyses include the essay The Balcony (the photo portfolio), published in magazine Performance in 1971; a participation in artist\'s book Artists Almanac in 1975; the essay Carnival in Rio: a photo essay which was part of Gay Sunshine - Journal of Gay Liberation in 1979 and finally his photos that were shown in the magazine The Advocate in 1983 and Advocate MEN in 1987. The five papers obtained an effective public circulation both in the form of art as well as in the circulation within the American homosociability. It features a series of formal and structural elements that characterize the work of Alair Gomes, like the sequential and multiple photographic images and print media as the space for producing the artwork. Our proposition was to perform a new reading of the work of Alair Gomes to broaden the relationship established between his photographs and the homoeroticism, highlighting his approximation to agents and institutions within the scientific, academic and cultural fields in Rio and the US. This multiplicity of contacts between these key points is the object of our analysis, as we focused on the artistic paths of his photographic work.

Quando nos deparamos com a imagem do personagem Capitão América tendemos a relacioná-lo com um herói confiante, tão patriótico que veste a bandeira de seu país. O super-herói, criado por Joe Simon e Jack Kirby na década de 1940, ao longo do século XX se transformou em um ícone tão representativo da nação americana quanto o próprio Tio Sam. Nesta dissertação nos propomos a analisar os aspectos centrais do discurso patriótico contido na revista Captain America Comics, publicada nos Estados Unidos entre os anos de 1941 e 1954. Seguindo a metodologia americana, analisamos as publicações observando como esta mídia, ciente de sua influência na cultura popular e seu papel como um meio de comunicação de massa, busca entreter e formar a opinião do público leitor, acompanhando as transformações do país durante a Segunda Guerra Mundial e nos anos que a seguiram. / When we faced the image of the character Captain America we tend to relate him with a confident and such patriotic superhero that even wears the flag of his country. The superhero, created by Joe Simon and Jack Kirby in the 1940s, during the 20th century became an icon as representative of the American nation as Uncle Sam itself. In this M.A. thesis we intent to examine the most significant aspects of the patriotic speech contained in the comic book Captain America Comics, published in the United States between 1941 and 1954. Following the American methodology, we analyzed the publications noting how this media, aware of its influence on popular culture and its role as a mass communication media, tries to entertain as also form the opinion of the readership, accompanying the transformations of the country duringWorldWar II and the years that followed.

Este trabalho analisa o processo de reinserção securitária da Colômbia na região sul-americana, através da cooperação militar entre Bogotá e Washington, após a implementação do Plano Colômbia, em 2000, contra a guerrilha e o narcotráfico. A cooperação militar com Washington correspondeu a uma estratégia utilitarista desenhada por Bogotá, visando o fortalecimento de suas capacidades militares para enfrentar as guerrilhas, sobretudo as FARC. O resultado concreto desse processo foi a transformação desse amplo e revitalizado aparato militar em uma das melhores forças armadas da América do Sul, transcendendo sua missão de luta contrainsurgente. Este estudo não identificou nenhuma reação político-militar do Equador, Venezuela e Brasil que, efetivamente, comprometesse o movimento de reinserção securitária da Colômbia no território sul-americano. / This study analyse the processo of reinsertion of Colombia in South America region through the military cooperation between Bogotá and Washington after implementation of Plan Colombia, in the 2000, against the guerrilhas and drug traffickers. The military cooperation with Washington represented an utilitarian strategy designed by Bogota to increase its military capabilities to face the guerrilhas, above all, the FARC. The concrect outcome of this process was the transformation of this broad and revitalized military apparatus into one of the best south american armed forces, trancending the mission of counterinsurgency combat. This papper didn’t identified and military politician reaction from Ecuador, Venezuela and Brasil that undermined the reinsertion movement of Colombia into south american territory.

Made available in DSpace on 2015-12-03T18:35:03Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Catarina_de_Araujo_Costa.pdf: 2271923 bytes, checksum: 7d0dcbb5219e32afd71cf088e663cb3f (MD5) Previous issue date: 2006-08-07 / Em maio de 2005, 34 empresas brasileiras negociavam American Depositary Receipts (ADRs) na Bolsa de Valores de Nova Iorque (New York Stock Exchange - NYSE), Estados Unidos. Diante da obrigatoriedade de adequar-se ?? Lei Sarbanes-Oxley de 2002, o objetivo geral deste trabalho ?? investigar, na percep????o dos gestores, se o Comit?? de Auditoria ou ??rg??o equivalente das empresas brasileiras contribuiu para minimizar as fraudes, aumentar a transpar??ncia na divulga????o das informa????es cont??beis e melhorar os controles internos. Obtiveram-se 25 respostas de 17 empresas. Os resultados obtidos demonstram a grande relev??ncia do Comit?? de Auditoria, apesar da obrigatoriedade: 56% dos respondentes afirmaram que o comit?? participou ativamente com recomenda????es relacionadas com a avalia????o do sistema de controles internos; 68% consideram-no de grande import??ncia para o bom desempenho da empresa e 71% o manteriam em funcionamento mesmo se, no futuro, sua exist??ncia fosse facultativa. / Em maio de 2005, 34 empresas brasileiras negociavam American Depositary Receipts (ADRs) na Bolsa de Valores de Nova Iorque (New York Stock Exchange - NYSE), Estados Unidos. Diante da obrigatoriedade de adequar-se ?? Lei Sarbanes-Oxley de 2002, o objetivo geral deste trabalho ?? investigar, na percep????o dos gestores, se o Comit?? de Auditoria ou ??rg??o equivalente das empresas brasileiras contribuiu para minimizar as fraudes, aumentar a transpar??ncia na divulga????o das informa????es cont??beis e melhorar os controles internos. Obtiveram-se 25 respostas de 17 empresas. Os resultados obtidos demonstram a grande relev??ncia do Comit?? de Auditoria, apesar da obrigatoriedade: 56% dos respondentes afirmaram que o comit?? participou ativamente com recomenda????es relacionadas com a avalia????o do sistema de controles internos; 68% consideram-no de grande import??ncia para o bom desempenho da empresa e 71% o manteriam em funcionamento mesmo se, no futuro, sua exist??ncia fosse facultativa.