[pt] O presente estudo tem como objetivo analisar a vivência da juventude em contextos em que as situações de violência urbana se fazem presentes de forma marcante. A análise é realizada a partir de depoimentos de jovens moradores de uma favela no município de Niterói (RJ). Busca-se refletir sobre como os jovens percebem a violência e quais são os reflexos desta em suas atividades diárias. O estudo tem como base entrevistas realizadas com jovens, e também utiliza dados sobre o contexto da violência que atualmente perpassa o cotidiano de vida do município de Niterói, sobretudo após a implementação da atual estratégia de Segurança Pública adotada pelo Governo do Estado do Rio de Janeiro, aqui expressa pelas intervenções das Unidades de Polícia Pacificadoras (UPPs) na capital do Estado e seus possíveis impactos nos municípios vizinhos. A dissertação inclui uma discussão sobre a violência no Brasil e no Estado do Rio de Janeiro, aprofundando a compreensão das atuais configurações deste fenômeno. É sabido que a população juvenil é uma das mais atingidas pelas expressões da violência, sendo a principal vítima de homicídios por causas externas. Por este motivo, considera-se particularmente importante escutar e compreender os pontos de vista de jovens a respeito da realidade que os cerca e dos possíveis reflexos desta realidade em suas vidas, já que atravessam uma fase de escolhas e de preparação para a vida adulta. Espera-se que este estudo contribua para aprofundar o debate sobre o tema, a partir do posicionamento dos próprios atores, ou seja, dos jovens, e possa oferecer subsídios, tendo em vista a implementação de políticas dirigidas a este grupo na busca de sua proteção e da garantia dos seus direitos. / [en] This study aims to analyze the experience of youth in contexts in which situations of urban violence are markedly present, as in the favela of Vila Ipiranga (Niterói/RJ). This analysis is based on testimonies of the young residents of this place. The aim is to reflect on how the youth perceive violence and what are the consequences of this in their daily activities. The study is based on interviews with young people and also use data on the context of violence in Niterói, especially after the implementation of the current Public Security strategy adopted by the Government of the State of Rio de Janeiro, here expressed by the interventions of Peacekeeping Police Units (UPPs) in the state capital and possible impacts on neighboring municipalities. Additionally the study briefly discuss the history of violence in Brazil and in the state of Rio de Janeiro in order to help us understand the current settings of this phenomenon. It is known that the youth is one of the most affected groups by the expressions of violence. They are the main victims of homicide. This is why it is particularly important to listen to them and to understand their views about the reality that surrounds them and the possible consequences in their lives and future prospects. It is to be hoped that this study will contribute to further discussion on the subject, based on the perspectives of the young people themselves. And that the study will provide an insight to new approaches, strategies and implementation of policies aimed at this group in search of protection and the guarantee of their rights.

This research explores the tensions between non-formal land access, violence and urban land policy in the post-conflict city of Juba in Southern Sudan. It departs from the conventional notion of rights to land based on property rights to a broader concept of ‘access’ to investigate the means, processes and relations within society, or ‘mechanisms’, by which individuals attempt to gain and maintain access to non-formal settlement land, how this is controlled and the connections to violence. Moving beyond current dualist frameworks used to understand informality, this research aims to unpack the formal and non-formal institutions in the city whose interplay results in unequal opportunities for individuals to access urban land and how violence is both a mechanism and outcome of this. Using a mixed methods methodology, the research was carried out in Juba and three of its non-formal settlements that have emerged at different times during the city’s approximately ninety-year history. It used mainly in-depth interviews, group discussions, participant observation, structured settlement surveys and semi-structured key informant interviews. As the ‘new’ capital of a multi-ethnic region that has experienced decades of civil war, Juba provides fertile ground to explore these issues. Firstly, by tracing the evolution of the region’s political economy the research shows how, rather than being a new phenomenon, exploitation by government and violence have been integral features of urban land management in the region. Secondly, by considering Juba’s development it shows how violence underpins contemporary settlement patterns in the post-conflict period. Thirdly, by providing case studies of three non-formal settlements it details the evolvement from a sense of community to more segregated practices where land access is becoming highly ethnicised, reflecting broader tensions in the region. Finally, it shows how both ethnic tensions and unclear legislation are being instrumentalised by a web of powerful actors who, whether through coercion, deception or violence, are undermining urban planning in the post-conflict city for their own benefit, and hence the ability of non-formal inhabitants to access land. The research concludes that partly due to the formative nature of institutions controlling urban land access, violence has not ended in the post-conflict period but remains integral. Nevertheless, whilst approaches to non-formal settlements may be seen as a consequence of the persistence of dysfunctional institutions, it also relates to the post-conflict political economy that is emerging in Southern Sudan and the extent to which urban land access is facilitated by connections with the urban political or military elite. As a result, for hundreds of thousands of internally displaced persons, returnees, combatants and ex-combatants the ‘peace dividend’ is compromised. In an urban environment hostile to their presence, they have no choice but to settle in non-formal settlements that, rather than being a solution to their shelter needs, leave them exposed to exploitation by a range of powerful actors.

In recent years urban violence has become understood as a 'reproduced', multi-causal and socially generated phenomenon. Less is understood about why young men reproduce the majority of this violence. This thesis uses original empirical data based on thirty-two life-histories of youths living in two poor and violent neighbourhoods in Medellín, Colombia. It argues that urban violence is reproduced by male youths because it is linked to 'masculinity'; that is, the process of 'becoming men' where youths strive to fulfil productive or 'successful' models of masculinity. These processes are related to contexts of poverty, inequality and exclusion, so this thesis does not reduce the generation of urban violence to masculinity alone. Rather, understanding masculinity provides us with further insight into the reproduction of violence. This thesis further argues that male youths are disposed by their habitus - after Pierre Bourdieu - to negotiate a pathway to manhood that largely reflects traditional masculine values in their context. Striving to achieve prevailing versions of manhood contributed to some of these youths joining armed groups, such as gangs. The gang acted as a mechanism to fulfil their dispositions to become men, by providing them with a way to perform a version of 'successful' masculinity. This is prevalent in urban contexts of exclusion and high levels of social violence, because there are limited opportunities to achieve legal and dignified versions of manhood, whilst there are significant opportunities to join the local gang. The youths interviewed that did not join gangs tended to come from families that taught them to reject violence at a young age, whilst supporting them in pursuing alternative pathways to manhood. Youths that joined gangs tended to have more problems at home and often had family members already in gangs. / ESRC, and University of Bradford

The incidence of violence and the configuration of areas of instability, which have accompanied rapid urbanisation processes in the global South, have led to a wide range of responses by state authorities at different levels. These responses include attempts to control, prevent and/or manage various forms of violence and crime. An emerging literature on urban security aims to improve our understanding of public security provision in volatile urban contexts in the global South. This literature has so far been dominated by policy-oriented and state-centric analyses, as well as by critiques of the way neoliberal governance is shaping responses to urban instability. These analytical approaches tend to ignore the political aspects and governmental consequences of security provision in fragile cities. This thesis argues that Foucault’s work on governmentality and ethnographic methodologies offer analytical and methodological tools that can help us address limitations in predominant analytical frameworks and contribute to fill gaps in the literature. The thesis develops an alternative critical approach to the study of urban security using those tools and employs it to investigate security provision in Medellin. This alternative approach focuses on the way security shapes governing processes in particular contexts and on their implications for those who are most vulnerable to urban fragility. Moreover, the thesis uses this innovative approach to investigate the security strategy implemented in Medellin since 2002, as part of what has come to be known as the ‘Medellin Model’. By exploring this particularly relevant case, this thesis highlights the significance of undertaking empirical explorations of the rationality of security strategies in different urban contexts and the importance of taking into account people´s differentiated experiences of security provision. Furthermore, this thesis argues that this alternative approach helps us understand the way power is exercised for particular purposes and on particular subjects in an attempt to deal with urban violence and insecurity. It also argues for the inclusion of these dimensions in contemporary studies of urban security in the global South.

Yes

[pt] O funk proibido ou proibidão é um subgênero da música funk, produzido, sobretudo nos morros e nas favelas do Rio de Janeiro. Esta dissertação analisa o conteúdo das letras do proibidão e mostra que este fenômeno musical é resultado do encontro do funk com as facções do tráfico de drogas que dominam esses territórios. Essa produção musical parece ser usada pelo narcotráfico para divulgar suas idéias, exaltar as suas façanhas, fortalecer a identidade dos membros da facção e expressar o ódio e o terror aos inimigos. Esses grupos criminosos usam duas formas para difundir suas pretensões: a reprodução e venda de CDs de funk proibido e a promoção do baile de comunidade, que serve tanto para diversão da juventude local, como para venda de drogas. Nos dois casos o papel dos MCs é imprescindível para essa produção. O funk proibido, peculiar pela agressividade simbólica, além de adorado pelos jovens, apresenta-se como uma arma a serviço dos narcotraficantes, usado como cartão de visita e porta-voz de seus interesses. / [en] Forbidden funk or proibidão is a subclass of funk music, produced mainly in the slums and hills of Rio de Janeiro. The present dissertation analyses the contents of proibidão lyrics and shows that this musical phenomena is a product of the joining of funk with drug dealing groups which dominate those territories. Such production seems to be used by drug dealers in broadcasting their ideas and exalting their actions, strengthening the faction members´ identity, expressing their hatred and causing terror to their enemies. Such criminal groups use two strategies to spread their purposes: producing and selling forbidden funk CDs and promoting community dance parties, which serve as much as entertainment for the local youth as for selling drugs. In both cases, the role of MCs is indispensable for issuing such product. Forbidden funk, peculiar by the symbolic aggressiveness, besides being adored by young people, presents-itself as a weapon at the service of drug dealers, used as business card and speaker on behalf of their interests.

Esta pesquisa traz evidências sobre a relação entre a oferta de sistemas de lazer e a violência urbana, envolvendo crianças e adolescentes, no município de Piracicaba, estado de São Paulo. Em uma primeira etapa, definiu-se uma área de estudo através de dados de procedência de crianças e adolescentes em situação de rua, e de jovens infratores em cumprimento de medidas socioeducativas, dados esses obtidos a partir de duas fontes indicadas pela Promotoria de Justiça da Infância e Juventude da Comarca de Piracicaba (projeto "Acolhimento à criança e ao adolescente em situação de rua" e organização não-governamental Serviço de Apoio ao Menor de Piracicaba - SEAME). Posteriormente, nessa área de estudo, analisou-se a disponibilidade e a situação atual dos sistemas de lazer à população local, e como tal, o Conjunto Habitacional Bosques do Lenheiro foi apontado para a realização desta pesquisa, por ser aquele de maior procedência de crianças e adolescentes em situação de rua - 34,5% do total analisado - e de jovens infratores em cumprimento de medidas socioeducativas - 9,2% do total analisado. Este loteamento de interesse social caracterizou-se por ser o mais pobre da Região Norte do município, bastante populoso e com alta concentração de jovens, já que a faixa etária de 0 a 20 anos de idade representa quase 55% da população. Não há sistemas de lazer efetivamente implantados disponíveis aos moradores. Nenhuma das dez áreas públicas destinadas a esse fim recebeu algum tipo de tratamento pela Prefeitura, e estavam todas abandonadas. De maneira geral, a situação da arborização no loteamento mostrou-se crítica: além dos já referidos sistemas de lazer não implantados, as áreas de preservação permanente também não receberam a devida atenção e a arborização de ruas era praticamente inexistente. A revisão bibliográfica realizada neste estudo apontou para uma relação realmente consistente entre arborização, lazer e redução da violência, não só em países do Hemisfério Norte, como no Brasil. Embora a oferta de arborização e lazer representasse apenas uma pequena parcela das carências observadas na área de estudo, a implantação de sistemas de lazer poderia contribuir para que esta se tornasse, ambiental e socialmente, um local melhor para se viver. / This research brings evidence of the relationship between the availability of public open spaces and urban violence involving children and teenagers in the municipality of Piracicaba, São Paulo state. To start with, a study area was defined according to two data sources on violence made available by the public prosecutor of the judicial district of Piracicaba (project "Shelter for children and teenagers in street situation" and nongovernmental organization Service Support to the Underage of Piracicaba - SEAME) that showed where the neighborhoods children and teenagers in street situation and young offenders under alternative judicial sentence come from in the municipality. These findings analyzed the availability and actual situation of public open spaces for the population residing in that area. The "Conjunto Habitacional Bosques do Lenheiro" was identified in this research as the study area because this is the place most of the children and teenagers in street situation - 34,5% of the total analyzed - and young offenders under alternative judicial sentence - 9,2% of the total analyzed - came from. This social interest allotment was characterized as the poorest place in the North region in the municipality, very populated and its residents since the age between 0 to 20 years old represents almost 55% of the population. It was found that no public open spaces had been made available for the population. The ten areas that the local government was supposed to deal with, were abandoned. In addition, urban forestry in this allotment was very low: beyond those not implanted public open spaces, the planting along the permanent preservation areas had not been implemented and street trees were almost nonexistent. The literature reviewed in this research showed a consistent relationship between urban forestry, leisure and violence reduction in the Northern Hemisphere countries and also in Brazil. The lack of urban forestry and leisure represents a very small part of the privation observed in the study area, but the availability of public open spaces might turn it into an environmentally and socially a more supportive place to live.

Esta pesquisa tem como objeto a formação de uma área de pesquisas sobre crime, violência e punição nas ciências sociais contemporâneas no Brasil(1968-2010) e sua relação com a constituição de um campo da segurança públicaconvergência entre campo científico e arenas de política pública -,concebido como parte de um dispositivo de saber-poder(Foucault, 2000;2005), que se pretende alternativo ao monopólio do saber jurídico e policial no sistema de justiça criminal. Considerando a conversão da \"violência urbana\" em problema público, analisamos como no debate sobre o tema se constituem pontes entre preocupações públicas e questões científicas a partir de centros de pesquisa e de sua articulação com redes de ativismo na sociedade civil e no interior do Estado. Estivemos atentos a dois aspectos: 1) de um lado, à constituição de especialidades ou (sub)disciplinas em meio às disputas entre grupos de pesquisa por recursos burocráticos no interior de um campo científico; 2) de outro, à formação de redes de atores voltadas à legitimação política dos princípios causais, normativos e instrumentais a que estão identificados. Em, outras palavras, os cientistas sociais são analisados como atores voltados à conversão de contextos de politização em processos de disciplinarização e de estatização. Buscamos, assim, problematizar as ambiguidades do duplo papel dos pesquisadores deste campo, como construtores de padrões organizacionais de autonomia científica e como reformadores se esforçando por transformar seus saberes em práticas de governo através da profissionalização dos agentes aserviço do Estado e da formalização dos saberes a partir dos quais a administração se legitima. Trata-se, em suma, de analisar a mobilização de cientistas sociais para se legitimarem como agentes reconhecidos na disputa pela imposição de uma visão legítima do fenômeno da violência que sirva de base para o desenvolvimento de novas práticas técnico-políticas de gestão do social por parte do Estado. Observamos que o embate entre correntes políticas nas agendas de reforma dos sistemas de justiça criminal e segurança pública tensio na o campo de pesquisas entre esforços de reconfiguração crítica do modelo de Ciências Criminais integradas ao Direito Penal e um modelo de Criminologia independente, como formação profissional na área de gestão da segurança pública e justiça criminal. / This research analyzes the formation of an area of research on crime, violence and punishment in contemporary social sciences in Brazil (1968-2010) and its relation to the constitution of a field of public security-convergence between scientific fields and arenas of political public designed as part as knowledge-power apparatus (Foucault, 2000; 2005), which is intended alternative to the monopoly of legal and police knowledge in the criminal justice system. Whereas the conversion of \" urban violence\" in public problem, we analyze how the debate on the subject constitute bridges between public concerns and issues from scientific research centers and their coordination with networks of activism in civil society and within the state . We were aware of two aspects:1) on one hand, the establishment of specialties or (sub)disciplines amidst disputes between research groups by bureaucratic resources within a scientific field; 2) otherwise, the formation of networks of actors facing the political legitimacy of causal, instrumental and normative principles that are identified. In other words, social scientists are as actors aimed at converting contexts of politicization in processes of disciplinarisation and étatisation. We seek, therefore, to question the ambiguities of the double role of researchers in this field, as builders of organizational standards of scientific autonomy and as reformers striving to transform their knowledge in governance practices through the professional development of staff in the service of the state and formalization of knowledge from which the administration is legitimized. It is, in short, to analyze the mobilization of social scientists to legitimize themselves as agents recognized in dispute by imposing a legitimate view of the phenomenon of violence as a basis for the development of new technical practices -management policies for social the State. We observed that the clash between current policy agendas for reform of criminal justice and public safety systems tightens the field of research efforts between critical reconfiguration of Criminal Sciences Integrated Model to the Criminal Law and Criminology independent model, as professional training in management of public security and criminal justice.

Submitted by admin tede (tede@pucgoias.edu.br) on 2017-04-27T11:11:52Z No. of bitstreams: 1 VINÍCIUS NOGUEIRA FRÓES.pdf: 5866031 bytes, checksum: 452daf7ea5c547e760ae7f96907ca1d2 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-04-27T11:11:52Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 VINÍCIUS NOGUEIRA FRÓES.pdf: 5866031 bytes, checksum: 452daf7ea5c547e760ae7f96907ca1d2 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017-03-16 / This work intends to show through a spatial analysis using geotechnology Geographic Information System (GIS), a study on urban violence in the city of Aparecida de Goiânia. For this it was partially used data from a survey conducted by the Federal University of Goiás ( UFG) where questions related to urban violence were made to residents of the selected neighborhoods of the city. At the same time, a geographic coordinate (latitude and longitude) was collected from the interview site using a GPS receiver. Data were also used on the city's infrastructure, such as water, sewage, schools, mounds and health posts, to assist in the analysis of urban violence, data provided by the Planning Department of the City of Aparecida de Goiânia. From these data, spatial analyzes were performed, generating thematic maps. / Este trabalho tem a pretensão de mostrar, através de uma análise espacial utilizando a geotecnologia de Sistema de Informação Geográfica (SIG), um estudo sobre violência urbana na cidade de Aparecida de Goiânia. Para isso, foram utilizados dados de uma pesquisa realizada pela Universidade Federal de Goiás (UFG), em que foram feitas perguntas relacionadas à violência urbana aos moradores dos bairros selecionados da cidade. Ao mesmo tempo, foi coletada uma coordenada geográfica (latitude e longitude) do local da entrevista com uso de um receptor GPS. Também foram usados dados sobre a infraestrutura da cidade, como rede de água, esgoto, localização de escolas, CMEIs e postos de saúde, para auxiliar nas análises sobre a violência urbana, dados esses fornecidos pela Secretaria de Planejamento da Prefeitura de Aparecida de Goiânia. A partir daí, foram realizadas análises espaciais, gerando mapas temáticos.

Esta pesquisa tem como objeto a formação de uma área de pesquisas sobre crime, violência e punição nas ciências sociais contemporâneas no Brasil(1968-2010) e sua relação com a constituição de um campo da segurança públicaconvergência entre campo científico e arenas de política pública -,concebido como parte de um dispositivo de saber-poder(Foucault, 2000;2005), que se pretende alternativo ao monopólio do saber jurídico e policial no sistema de justiça criminal. Considerando a conversão da \"violência urbana\" em problema público, analisamos como no debate sobre o tema se constituem pontes entre preocupações públicas e questões científicas a partir de centros de pesquisa e de sua articulação com redes de ativismo na sociedade civil e no interior do Estado. Estivemos atentos a dois aspectos: 1) de um lado, à constituição de especialidades ou (sub)disciplinas em meio às disputas entre grupos de pesquisa por recursos burocráticos no interior de um campo científico; 2) de outro, à formação de redes de atores voltadas à legitimação política dos princípios causais, normativos e instrumentais a que estão identificados. Em, outras palavras, os cientistas sociais são analisados como atores voltados à conversão de contextos de politização em processos de disciplinarização e de estatização. Buscamos, assim, problematizar as ambiguidades do duplo papel dos pesquisadores deste campo, como construtores de padrões organizacionais de autonomia científica e como reformadores se esforçando por transformar seus saberes em práticas de governo através da profissionalização dos agentes aserviço do Estado e da formalização dos saberes a partir dos quais a administração se legitima. Trata-se, em suma, de analisar a mobilização de cientistas sociais para se legitimarem como agentes reconhecidos na disputa pela imposição de uma visão legítima do fenômeno da violência que sirva de base para o desenvolvimento de novas práticas técnico-políticas de gestão do social por parte do Estado. Observamos que o embate entre correntes políticas nas agendas de reforma dos sistemas de justiça criminal e segurança pública tensio na o campo de pesquisas entre esforços de reconfiguração crítica do modelo de Ciências Criminais integradas ao Direito Penal e um modelo de Criminologia independente, como formação profissional na área de gestão da segurança pública e justiça criminal. / This research analyzes the formation of an area of research on crime, violence and punishment in contemporary social sciences in Brazil (1968-2010) and its relation to the constitution of a field of public security-convergence between scientific fields and arenas of political public designed as part as knowledge-power apparatus (Foucault, 2000; 2005), which is intended alternative to the monopoly of legal and police knowledge in the criminal justice system. Whereas the conversion of \" urban violence\" in public problem, we analyze how the debate on the subject constitute bridges between public concerns and issues from scientific research centers and their coordination with networks of activism in civil society and within the state . We were aware of two aspects:1) on one hand, the establishment of specialties or (sub)disciplines amidst disputes between research groups by bureaucratic resources within a scientific field; 2) otherwise, the formation of networks of actors facing the political legitimacy of causal, instrumental and normative principles that are identified. In other words, social scientists are as actors aimed at converting contexts of politicization in processes of disciplinarisation and étatisation. We seek, therefore, to question the ambiguities of the double role of researchers in this field, as builders of organizational standards of scientific autonomy and as reformers striving to transform their knowledge in governance practices through the professional development of staff in the service of the state and formalization of knowledge from which the administration is legitimized. It is, in short, to analyze the mobilization of social scientists to legitimize themselves as agents recognized in dispute by imposing a legitimate view of the phenomenon of violence as a basis for the development of new technical practices -management policies for social the State. We observed that the clash between current policy agendas for reform of criminal justice and public safety systems tightens the field of research efforts between critical reconfiguration of Criminal Sciences Integrated Model to the Criminal Law and Criminology independent model, as professional training in management of public security and criminal justice.