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A historical study of the urban texture of Gamla Stan shows how public space has been appropriated for private needs. Streets were built over, closed off or turned into private courtyards, some of which have started to disappear, being completely internalized. This process of space appropriation was one-directional until the early 1900s, when the fear of losing structures across town made authorities create a precedent and revert the process by removing specific houses from the urban texture. This approach is based on a set of rules which I changed when making my project: the re-examination of all the hidden, internal, private spaces and their re-introduction to public life.    My set of criteria is rooted in a research of the elements that constitute the borderline in Gamla Stan's public vs private realm: doors, passages and courtyards. Based on that I  limited my  intervention techniques to the removal of three elements: fences, structures, and doors. The last one has two sub-categories "the removed wall" (turned into a new door) and "the removed lock" (opening an existing door). By establishing the parameters of my work, I tested this speculation in a specific case scenario - a cluster of four blocks on the west side of Gamla Stan. Using the rule I that a door must be the beginning of a corridor path that leads to an open court, and having the historical knowledge of the  location of past public spaces, I surgically removed later additions of lesser architectural or historical quality. The result of this is a new interconnected, accessible network. Until now one was restricted to walking along the streets and alleys, and around buildings in Gamla Stan. With this intervention people can walk through the buildings and into the reclaimed spaces, thus shifting one’s perception of the urban texture. The new alternative, total system of navigation turns solid into permeable/perforated. Alley City has become Corridor City.

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It is easy to overlook the individual features that constitute a community, including types and mix of land use, lot sizes, building type, size and height, setbacks, street and sidewalk widths, parking requirements, and infrastructure, all of which are controlled and regulated by land use development codes, more commonly referred to as zoning. Zoning is the primary means communities employ to control and guide land use and development decisions affecting the physical form of these places. However, zoning is a rigid, legal framework that separates uses and prescribes standards without describing or even considering what development will or should look like. Disenchantment with conventional zoning methods combined with innovative new approaches that address current and emerging issues are now readily available to learn from and adapt. A number of these approaches focus on design and form rather than use alone. The intentions of code reform focus on the creation of better public space, pedestrian friendly streets and communities, mixing uses and reducing parking requirements, all of which can lead to increased physical activity and healthy communities. / Master of Landscape Architecture

Despite the recent interest in late antique archaeology and the increasing number of publications on the transformations of towns (both in Spain and in the Roman world as a whole), the concern shown towards aqueducts has been almost non-existent. Some studies have focused on exceptional local examples, such as Rome or Constantinople, but there have been neither general nor regional syntheses of the chronology of the abandonment of aqueducts on a broad regional scale. This thesis consequently fills this gap in our knowledge by offering an all-encompassing study and compilation of the available material and written evidence for aqueducts in Spain in Late Antiquity, it looks at aqueducts in the late Roman period, and how they evolve through the Visigothic and the Umayyad centuries. For this purpose, each aqueduct in the Iberian Peninsula is assessed according to the available information and studied in its wider urban context. By the end of the thesis it is possible to put forward some clear results on the degree of continuity of aqueducts in Spain. The information is used to analyse how the presence or absence of aqueducts affected the development of urban settlement and housing patterns away from a traditional Roman context. Aqueducts had not been at first an essential part of urban life, yet by Late Antiquity they had become so intimately related to it that the end of aqueduct supply modified urban landscapes. Finally, I present various scenarios to explain why aqueducts ceased to function and how the various elite groups of the period (urban aristocrats, the Church, the Visigothic monarchy and the Umayyads) tried to take over the control of the aqueducts, as they were not only extremely useful functional monuments, but also reminders and legitimising links to the Roman past.

Pastaruoju metu vis dažniau girdime skambią sąvoką – „tvarumas“. Tvarumas apibūdinamas kaip plėtrą, kuri tenkina dabartinius visuomenės poreikius, nemažindama ateities kartų galimybės tenkinti savuosius. Lietuvoje tvarus vystymasis žengia pirmuosius žingsnius. Taigi stebėdama šią situaciją savo darbo tyrimo objektais pasirinkau – tvarią urbanistiką, „rudojo lauko“ teritorijų plėtrą ir tvarius konversijos modelius šiuolaikiniuose miestuose. „Rudasis laukas“ - tai miesto teritorijoje esančios, kadaise urbanizuotos teritorijos, tačiau dabar apleistos ar net užterštos. Tvarios plėtros šalininkai skatina tokių teritorijų konversiją ir atgaivinimą. Kitaip tariant siūlo vystytis ir plėstis miesto ribose, o ne už jų. Tiriamasis magistrantūros studijų darbas papildo kūrybinį magistrantūros studijų projektą, taigi tiriamojo darbo tikslas - rasti Lietuvos sąlygoms optimalius tvarios kaimynystės kūrimo metodus ir modelius. Darbe apžvelgiamos bei įvertinamos tvarumu besiremiančios urbanistinės teorijos, nagrinėjami sėkmingi tvarios urbanistikos bei architektūros principais pagrįsti pavyzdžiai. Remiantis nagrinėjamomis teorijomis ir praktiniais pavyzdžiais suformuluojamos pagrindinės gairės, metodai ir priemonės tvarios kaimynystės kūrimui. / Lately, we often hear popular term - sustainability. Sustainability is defined as development that meets our needs today without compromising the ability of future generations to meet their own needs of tomorrow. In Lithuania sustainable development is taking its first steps. By observing this situation I chose my research objects - sustainable urbanism, „brown field” sites and the development of sustainable models in modern cities. „Brown field“ - is an abandoned or even contaminated urban area. Sustainable Development supporters promotes the conversion and revitalization of such areas. In other words, they propose to develop and expand in the city limits and not outside them. Research work complements practice project. So main goal of the research work is to find the optimal conditions, methods and models for sustainable neighborhood development in Lithuania. Project provides an overview of sustainability supported urban theories and movements also successful sustainable design examples. After analysis of the considered theories and practical examples the final conclusions, guidelines, methods and tools for sustainable neighborhood development are presented.

Cette thèse questionne l’apport de la conservation du patrimoine urbain à l’urbanisme. Il y est avancé que l’association entre la conservation du patrimoine urbain et l'urbanisme, dans leur cadre conceptuel actuel, plutôt que d’être le catalyseur du renouvellement de l’urbanisme, a perpétué une appréhension fragmentée et une atomisation de l'établissement, consacrant ainsi le paradigme fonctionnaliste, qui conditionne encore largement les pratiques urbanistiques contemporaines, au Québec notamment. En effet, bien que depuis les années 1960 la conservation du patrimoine soit présentée comme le fil rouge dans le redéploiement de la compétence d’édifier, plusieurs études soulignent les résultats mitigés de nombreuses expériences de conservation ainsi qu’une contribution limitée relativement à la formulation des projets urbains. Plus particulièrement, malgré la reconnaissance de l’intérêt de la patrimonialisation et de la fécondité potentielle de l’idée de patrimoine en général, l’urbanisme n’est pas parvenu à en définir les termes de la contribution, tant au plan conceptuel que processuel, en regard de sa propre projectualité. De ce fait, il ne réussit pas à affranchir la réflexion patrimoniale du registre de la conservation afin de se l’approprier véritablement. Cette thèse explique les causes de cette incapacité à partir d’une analyse des conditions de l’appropriation de la notion de patrimoine urbain mises de l’avant par l’approche giovannonienne. Celle-ci, fondamentalement urbanistique, propose une conception du patrimoine urbain qui s’émancipe du monument historique et du registre de la conservation. Indissociable d’une projectualité urbanistique, l’intérêt pour le patrimoine urbain de Giovannoni relève d’une reconnaissance du déjà là qui fonde des modalités de prises en charge de l’existant. Celles-ci posent les bases d’un renouvellement de la manière de penser l’urbanisme. La notion giovannonienne de patrimoine urbain, qui réfère à l’ensemble urbain patrimonial, devient l’élément de base d’une analyse morphologique urbanistique qui permet de conceptualiser l’agglomération contemporaine comme ensemble marqué par les ruptures et les discontinuités. Prenant appui sur une démarche dialogique, l’approche giovannonienne relève d’une mise en tension des singularités et d’une appréhension conjointe des différentes registres, ceux des formes et des forces, de l’existant et du souhaité, du penser et du faire. Giovannoni dépasse ainsi l’opposition entre continuité et rupture portée par les pratiques afin de penser l’articulation du nouveau à l’ancien. La confrontation de l’approche giovannonienne aux différentes perspectives qui ont marqué l’urbanisme moderne, montre que ces modalités de prise en charge de l’existant sont conditionnelles à l’accomplissement des promesses de la considération du patrimoine urbain. Autrement, l’association de la conservation du patrimoine urbain et de l’urbanisme culmine dans une double assimilation : l’assimilation du patrimoine urbain au monument historique d’architecture conduit à confondre projet d’urbanisme et projet de conservation. / This thesis questions the contribution of heritage conservation to urbanism. It has been proposed that the association between heritage conservation and urbanism in their present conceptual framework, rather than being the catalyst for rethinking urban projects has perpetuated a sectoral approach and atomization of human settlement, thus entrenching the functionalist paradigm that still largely conditions contemporary planning practices, notably in Québec. Indeed, although heritage conservation has been a recurrent theme since the 1960s in the redeployment of town planning skills, several studies have underscored the mitigated results of numerous conservation attempts and also of the limited contribution made to the planning of urban projects. More specifically, in spite of the interest in heritage conservation and the potentially fertile nature of the idea of heritage generally, urbanism has not yet defined the terms of the contribution, not only from a conceptual point of view but also from a urbanistic point of view with respect to its project-based thinking (progettualità). Consequently, urbanism does not succeed in overcoming the heritage idea of the preservation register in order to fully encompass it. This thesis explains the causes of this inability from an analysis of the conditions for adopting the notion of urban heritage as advanced by Giovannoni. This fundamentally urbanistic approach puts forward a concept of urban heritage that has freed itself from the historical monument of the preservation register. Inseparable from an urbanistic project-based system, the interest for Giovannoni’s urban heritage arises from a recognition that what already exists creates a means for grasping the true personality of place and therefore offers insight for better urban design and planning. Giovannoni’s idea of urban heritage becomes the basic element of an urbanistic morphological analysis that allows for the conceptualization of the modern city as an entity marked by ruptures and discontinuities. Giovannoni exploits the differences in the personality of urban entities, such as places, neighbourhoods, etc., and visits back and forth between different scales and registers, those of forms and forces, of the existing and the hoped for, of ideas and action. Giovannoni thus goes beyond the divergence between continuity and rupture that marks, in a general way, the practices for envisioning the articulation of the new to the old. When we compare Giovannoni’s approach to the different views that have impacted modern urbanism, we find that his practices for using what already exists is the condition for the realization of urban heritage promises. Otherwise, the association of heritage conservation and urbanism culminates in the assimilation of urban heritage to the historical monument of architecture, and therefore leads to equating the urban project to the conservation project.

La métropole est polychronique. L'isolement d'un de ses rythmes permet de nuancer les théories de la modernité liquide et de la ville en continu. À travers l'étude de trois événements festifs métropolitains à Paris et Bruxelles, nous proposons une lecture de l'histoire urbaine par ses temps partagés, une description des mécanismes par lesquels les rythmes sociaux émergent et une analyse de leur rôle social et spatial. Réinterrogé par le concept de rendez-vous collectifs, les rythmes urbains sont une co-production entre un urbanisme temporaire et une urbanité événementielle. Ces deux éléments explique le double rôle spatial et social des rythmes événementiels. Les institutions municipales instrumentalisent l'urbanisme temporaire pour signifier le temps, organiser le rassemblement et produire du lieu. L'urbanité événementielle est le résultat des interprétations individuelles des événements comme signe temporel qui produit du lien social et un sens commun des lieux. La répétition de la rencontre entre l'urbanisme temporaire et l'urbanité événementielle provient d'une part, de la décision politique de d'instrumentaliser le rendez-vous dans l'organisation urbaine, d'autre part de la synchronisation des individus qui organisent leurs temps pour participer au rassemblement. La rationalité qui anime les participants est motivée par la valorisation des interactions de face-à-face et la production de liens sociaux associatifs, dans une société interrogée par la différenciation et la désynchronisation des modes de vie. L'individu ne se passe pas de rassemblements rituels, dans des lieux et selon des temporalités saisonnières. Ces rythmes collectifs sont adaptés à la métropole, à la complexification de ses territoires, à l'hybridation de ses représentations culturelles et à l'individualisation de ses temporalités. Au-delà, le concept de rythme est une théorie de morphologie sociale qui rend compte du fonctionnement des sociétés de façon multiscalaire et dynamique. Elle s'inscrit dans les théories sociologiques intermédiaires qui lient l'individu et le collectif, l'habitant et les institutions, la morphologie spatiale et temporelle de groupements humains de toutes tailles. Le fait métropolitain, influençant et influencé par l'individu et le global, constitue une échelle mésociale heuristique / The city is polychronic. We qualify liquid modernity theory and the twenty-four hour city model by isolating one of its rhythms. Based on a diachronic study of three festive urban events in Paris and Brussels, we propose a new reading of urban history through planned gatherings, a description of the mechanisms by which social rhythms emerge and the role they play in building urban space and society. The planned gathering concept is applied to urban social rhythms, which are seen as the product of an interaction between temporary urbanism and event sociability. Institutions instrumentalise temporary urbanism to signify units of social time, and implicitly plan gatherings by producing a conducive physical place. Event sociability is the collective result of individual interpretations of this sign, which produce social ties and create a corresponding social place. These places become periodic through political decisions to reproduce the sign, as w ell as individuals' efforts to organize and synchronize their time to participate. The resultant planned gatherings are in turn instrumentalized to organize the metropolis. In a society whose groups are increasingly differentiated and desynchronized, face-to-face interaction and the production of discretionary social ties are highly valued. Individuals apply value rationality and thus continue to participate in ritual, seasonal gatherings at fixed places and times. Despite historical continuities, these rhythms are specifically modern in that they have adapted to the contemporary city's territorial complexity, cultural hybridization, and idividualized temporality. Using the semantic duality of rhythm (flowing / periodic) we outline a more general theory of social morphology which provides a multiscale, dynamic account of societies, covering interactions between the individual and the collective, inhabitants and institutions, the spatial and temporal patterns in human groups of varying size. The mesosocial metropolitan scale is situated between the indivual and the global