The Second Punic War, fought between the Romans and Carthaginians, lasted for seventeen years. During this time the Carthaginians inflicted several devastating defeats upon Roman armies. In addition to the cost in human lives, these defeats left a legacy of shame which the Romans were anxious to extirpate. An important part of this process lay in the public perception of these events, and the ones most responsible for shaping this perception were the historians who recorded and wrote about them. Historiography in Rome was in its infancy as the Second Punic War drew to an end, and none of the accounts written by men who lived through the war have survived intact. The fullest and most detailed account of these years is that of Livy who, writing two centuries later, inherited the fruits of two centuries of historiography on the subject. Yet contrary to the belief that has persisted too long, Livy was not merely a collator and copyist, but a moralist and an artist with a vision of his own. For Livy, the period of the Second Punic War represents the Romans at their greatest, before the evils of foreign immorality and luxury took root and led eventually to the excessive greed and intense rivalry which tore the state apart. Thus it is not only patriotism, but also nostalgia, that colours Livy’s memorable presentation of these events and the people involved. Nobody denies Livy’s literary artistry, but it is the choices he has made in his interpretation of people and events that are of more interest to me. It was Livy’s cherished belief that the Romans of old, exemplars of courage and strict morality, were well nigh unbeatable in a fair fight, which makes the presentation of episodes of defeat and disgrace so much more challenging for him. A close examination of the ancient evidence, and in some cases a re-evaluation of modern perceptions concerning episodes of defeat and disgrace and the people involved, has allowed me to better grasp the extent of Livy’s artistic licence and reinterpretation. The evidence and opinions of Polybius have played a crucial role in this process, not only because of his closer proximity to the events in question, but because Livy is known to have read and used his work. Polybius’ influence on Livy’s later decades concerning Rome’s involvement with Greek states is undeniable, but although Polybius wrote about the Second Punic War also, Livy has remained remarkably independent of Polybius’ account. A comparison of these accounts reveals the difference in the choices made by each author and serves to illuminate what makes Livy’s history his own.

The Second Punic War, fought between the Romans and Carthaginians, lasted for seventeen years. During this time the Carthaginians inflicted several devastating defeats upon Roman armies. In addition to the cost in human lives, these defeats left a legacy of shame which the Romans were anxious to extirpate. An important part of this process lay in the public perception of these events, and the ones most responsible for shaping this perception were the historians who recorded and wrote about them. Historiography in Rome was in its infancy as the Second Punic War drew to an end, and none of the accounts written by men who lived through the war have survived intact. The fullest and most detailed account of these years is that of Livy who, writing two centuries later, inherited the fruits of two centuries of historiography on the subject. Yet contrary to the belief that has persisted too long, Livy was not merely a collator and copyist, but a moralist and an artist with a vision of his own. For Livy, the period of the Second Punic War represents the Romans at their greatest, before the evils of foreign immorality and luxury took root and led eventually to the excessive greed and intense rivalry which tore the state apart. Thus it is not only patriotism, but also nostalgia, that colours Livy’s memorable presentation of these events and the people involved. Nobody denies Livy’s literary artistry, but it is the choices he has made in his interpretation of people and events that are of more interest to me. It was Livy’s cherished belief that the Romans of old, exemplars of courage and strict morality, were well nigh unbeatable in a fair fight, which makes the presentation of episodes of defeat and disgrace so much more challenging for him. A close examination of the ancient evidence, and in some cases a re-evaluation of modern perceptions concerning episodes of defeat and disgrace and the people involved, has allowed me to better grasp the extent of Livy’s artistic licence and reinterpretation. The evidence and opinions of Polybius have played a crucial role in this process, not only because of his closer proximity to the events in question, but because Livy is known to have read and used his work. Polybius’ influence on Livy’s later decades concerning Rome’s involvement with Greek states is undeniable, but although Polybius wrote about the Second Punic War also, Livy has remained remarkably independent of Polybius’ account. A comparison of these accounts reveals the difference in the choices made by each author and serves to illuminate what makes Livy’s history his own.

This thesis offers a reappraisal of the Sabine glosses through the analysis of thirty-nine words, all glossed explicitly as Sabine in ancient sources ranging from the first century BCE to the sixth century CE. The study of the Sabine glosses found in ancient grammarians and antiquarians goes back to the beginnings of Italic scholarship. Over time, two positions on the Sabine glosses have crystallised: (a) the Sabine glosses are evidence of a personal obsession of the Republican author Varro, in whose work many Sabine glosses survive, and (b) the Sabine glosses are true remnants of a single language of which little or no epigraphic evidence has survived. By using the neogrammarian observation that sound-change is regular and exceptionless, it is possible to ascertain whether or not the Sabine glosses are likely to be from the same language. This thesis finds that the sound-changes undergone by the Sabine glosses show no broad agreement. The developments are characteristic of different languages – Latin, Faliscan and various Sabellic languages – and many changes are mutually exclusive. This consequently throws doubt on the assertion that the Sabine glosses are all taken from one language. Instead, the glosses should be seen as part of a discourse of the relationships between Romans, Sabines and Sabellic-speaking peoples. During the Republic, Sabines were central to Roman myth, historiography and political rhetoric. As the Sabines were a distinct people in the Roman foundation myths, but were largely Romanised in the Republican present, they became a convenient bridge between Rome and the Sabellic-speaking peoples of Central and Southern Italy, to whom Greek and Roman writers ascribed myths tracing origin back to the Sabines. This continued into the Empire, when emperors such as Claudius and Vespasian utilised their (supposed) Sabine heritage to gain ideological capital. In light of this, the phenomenon of Sabine glosses cannot be seen as one man’s interest, but as a means of reflecting on Rome’s relations with Sabellic-speaking Italy.

This dissertation is a historical analysis of Varro’s De Lingua Latina, a linguistic treatise composed in the 40s BCE during Rome’s transition from oligarchic Republican government to the monarchic settlement of the Augustan Principate. I advance a reading which restores contemporary political and intellectual context to the treatise, complementing and revising previous scholarship which has traditionally focused on the Greek philosophical pedigree of Varro’s work. As such, I explore Varro’s thematic emphasis on natura (‘Nature’) in his linguistic programme, which, as a term with wide-ranging intertextual functions, embodies its complex philosophical, political, and literary character. This five-chapter dissertation is subdivided between the surviving books on etymology (Chapters 1-3) and inflection (Chapters 4-5). In Chapter 1 (“Organisation and Meaning in Varro’s Etymologies”), I explore Varro’s etymologies in De Lingua Latina, Books 5-7, and explain how his programmatic emphasis on natural philosophy conveys his unique etymological authority. In Chapter 2 (“Grammatical Discourse in De Lingua Latina”), I consider Varro’s reception of grammatical techniques of etymological exegesis, elucidating his preference for philosophical readings of poetry and the social value of literary sophistication in the late Republic. Chapter 3 (“Ethnography and Identity in Varro’s Etymologies”) develops Varro’s etymological project as a kind of ethnography of the Roman people, which contextualises Varro’s philosophical intervention in the changing circumstances of his era. Chapters 4-5 are devoted to an analysis of Books 8-10, in which Varro describes his theory of morphological inflection (declinatio naturalis) as a platform for Latin linguistic standardisation. In Chapter 4 (“Declinatio and Linguistic Standardisation in the late Republic”), I survey the politics of linguistic standardisation in the late Republic. Mediating in a debate between Cicero and Caesar, I describe Varro’s nuanced revision of existing models of analogical inflection, and characterise his use of natura to explain linguistic standards. In Chapter 5 (“Linguistic Analogy and Natural Ratio in De Lingua Latina, Books 8-10”), I relate Varro’s linguistic innovations to contemporary shifts in cultural authority, and demonstrate how his transference of linguistic standardisation to philosophy entails a radical reorganisation of the existing political status quo. / text

Tradução crítica do livro VIII do \"De Lingua Latina\" do gramático Varrão com o propósito de assim estudar parte dessa obra ainda pouco divulgada em português. Nesse livro Varrão trata sobre a maneira de se expressar na escrita, e na fala - mesmo que de uma minoria ilustrada -, mas também lança seu olhar para a disposição das palavras no enunciado conforme as funções que elas aí ocupam. Isso se evidencia por ele demonstrar preocupação com as regras que deveriam ser seguidas em relação a essa disposição das palavras ao apresentar a discussão de sua época entre analogistas e anomalistas no que se refere à analogia existir ou não no âmbito da linguagem, mais precisamente no âmbito dos processos de formação de palavras em latim. / Critical translation of book VIII of the \"De Lingua Latina\" (On The Latin Language) of the grammarian Varro with the intention to study part of this book still little divulged in Portuguese. In this book Varro deals with on the way if expressing in the writing, and in it speaks - exactly that of an illustrated minority -, but also launches his look for the disposal of the words in agreement statement the functions that they occupy there. This if evidences for him to demonstrate concern with the rules that would have to be followed in relation to this disposal of the words when presenting the quarrel of its time between analogists and anomalists as for the analogy to exist or not in the scope of the language, more necessarily in the scope of the processes of formation of words in Latin.

Da vasta obra do erudito Marcos Terêncio Varrão Reatino (setenta e quatro títulos e seiscentos e vinte livros) restam apenas o De re rustica (três livros), o De lingua Latina (seis livros dos vinte e cinco) e muitos fragmentos. O De lingua Latina, o primeiro tratado lingüístico conhecido no mundo romano, constitui o objeto desta tese, que se divide em três partes. A primeira parte apresenta uma breve biografia de Varrão (capítulo I); a segunda, em seis capítulos, examina a superestrutura da obra, ou seus aspectos externos: a metalinguagem que a caracteriza (II); sua composição (III); o padrão técnico e científico (IV); o estilo literário (V); o tom dialogal (VI) e finalmente a coesão e coerência textual (VII); e a terceira parte, também em seis capítulos, analisa a macroestrutura, isto é, os aspectos temáticos: as fontes varronianas (VIII); o enciclopedismo, a evolução da ars grammatica em Roma, o conceito de latinitas (IX); as bases étnicas do latim e suas origens ( X); a doutrina de Varrão nas áreas da etimologia (XI), morfologia (XII) e fonética (XIII). Esta tese mostra que o De língua Latina, na literatura latina, é uma longa metalinguagem do latim como código lingüístico dos romanos, tendo por objetivo a latinitas, isto é, o falar latim correto, norma e instrumento lingüístico apto para fomentar a unificação do Estado Romano. Esta tese procura também mostrar que, contrastando com o extremismo metodológico moderno pleno de mútua prevenção entre Filologia e Lingüística - Varrão conciliou, no estudo da língua, dois planos opostos mas simultaneamente conectados para a explicação do fenômeno: o plano histórico-diacrônico (da etimologia), que estabelece o léxico básico (impositio uerborum) e o sistêmico-sincrônico (gramática) que garante a estrutura da língua e sua expansão econômica (declinatio uerborum). Assim, Varrão abriu o caminho para aproximar temas importantes e sempre atuais: o uso lingüístico e a norma, a irregularidade e a regularidade, a liberdade criativa e a coercividade gramatical, a mutabilidade e a estabilidade, enfim, a anomalia e a analogia, pólos necessários ao equilíbrio e dinamismo da língua. / From the scholar Marcus Terentius Varro\'s vast literary work (seventy-four titles and six hundred and twenty books), only De re rustica (three books), De língua Latina (six books from twenty five) and a lot of fragments remain. De lingua Latina, the earliest linguistic treatise known in the Roman world, is the subject of this thesis, which has three parts. The first part presents Varro\'s brief biography (chapter I); the second part, in six chapters, examines the superstructure of the work, or its external aspects: the metalanguage, that charaterizes it (II), its composition (III), the technical and scientific pattern (IV), the literary style (V), the dialogus (VI), and finally, the textual cohesion and coherence (VII); and the third part, in six chapters, analyses the macrostructure, that is, the thematical aspects: the Varronian sources (VIII), the encyclopaedism, the ars grammatica\'s evolution in Rome and the latinitas concept (IX), the ethnical bases of Latin and its origins (X), Varro\'s doctrines in the areas of etymology (XI), morphology (XII) and phonetics (XIII). This thesis shows that De lingua Latina, in Latin Literature, is a long metalanguage of Latin as the Romans\' linguistic code, aiming at the latinitas, that is, the correct spoken Latin, norm and linguistic instrument apt to increase the unification of the Roman State. This thesis attempts also to show that, contrasting with the modern and methodological linguistic extremism, full of mutual prevention between Philology and Linguistics, Varro conciliated, in the study of the language, two adverse but simultaneously connected plots to the explanation of the phenomenon: the historic-diachronical plot (of etymology), which establishes the basic lexicon (impositio uerborum), and the systemic-synchronal plot (of grammar), that warrants the structure of language and its economic expansiveness (declinatio uerborum). Thus, Varro opened the way to approach important and always present themes: the linguistic use and the norm, the irregularity and the regularity, the creative liberty and the grammatical coercion, the mutability and the stability, finally, the anomaly and the analogy, two necessary poles to the balance and dynamism of the language.

Da vasta obra do erudito Marcos Terêncio Varrão Reatino (setenta e quatro títulos e seiscentos e vinte livros) restam apenas o De re rustica (três livros), o De lingua Latina (seis livros dos vinte e cinco) e muitos fragmentos. O De lingua Latina, o primeiro tratado lingüístico conhecido no mundo romano, constitui o objeto desta tese, que se divide em três partes. A primeira parte apresenta uma breve biografia de Varrão (capítulo I); a segunda, em seis capítulos, examina a superestrutura da obra, ou seus aspectos externos: a metalinguagem que a caracteriza (II); sua composição (III); o padrão técnico e científico (IV); o estilo literário (V); o tom dialogal (VI) e finalmente a coesão e coerência textual (VII); e a terceira parte, também em seis capítulos, analisa a macroestrutura, isto é, os aspectos temáticos: as fontes varronianas (VIII); o enciclopedismo, a evolução da ars grammatica em Roma, o conceito de latinitas (IX); as bases étnicas do latim e suas origens ( X); a doutrina de Varrão nas áreas da etimologia (XI), morfologia (XII) e fonética (XIII). Esta tese mostra que o De língua Latina, na literatura latina, é uma longa metalinguagem do latim como código lingüístico dos romanos, tendo por objetivo a latinitas, isto é, o falar latim correto, norma e instrumento lingüístico apto para fomentar a unificação do Estado Romano. Esta tese procura também mostrar que, contrastando com o extremismo metodológico moderno pleno de mútua prevenção entre Filologia e Lingüística - Varrão conciliou, no estudo da língua, dois planos opostos mas simultaneamente conectados para a explicação do fenômeno: o plano histórico-diacrônico (da etimologia), que estabelece o léxico básico (impositio uerborum) e o sistêmico-sincrônico (gramática) que garante a estrutura da língua e sua expansão econômica (declinatio uerborum). Assim, Varrão abriu o caminho para aproximar temas importantes e sempre atuais: o uso lingüístico e a norma, a irregularidade e a regularidade, a liberdade criativa e a coercividade gramatical, a mutabilidade e a estabilidade, enfim, a anomalia e a analogia, pólos necessários ao equilíbrio e dinamismo da língua. / From the scholar Marcus Terentius Varro\'s vast literary work (seventy-four titles and six hundred and twenty books), only De re rustica (three books), De língua Latina (six books from twenty five) and a lot of fragments remain. De lingua Latina, the earliest linguistic treatise known in the Roman world, is the subject of this thesis, which has three parts. The first part presents Varro\'s brief biography (chapter I); the second part, in six chapters, examines the superstructure of the work, or its external aspects: the metalanguage, that charaterizes it (II), its composition (III), the technical and scientific pattern (IV), the literary style (V), the dialogus (VI), and finally, the textual cohesion and coherence (VII); and the third part, in six chapters, analyses the macrostructure, that is, the thematical aspects: the Varronian sources (VIII), the encyclopaedism, the ars grammatica\'s evolution in Rome and the latinitas concept (IX), the ethnical bases of Latin and its origins (X), Varro\'s doctrines in the areas of etymology (XI), morphology (XII) and phonetics (XIII). This thesis shows that De lingua Latina, in Latin Literature, is a long metalanguage of Latin as the Romans\' linguistic code, aiming at the latinitas, that is, the correct spoken Latin, norm and linguistic instrument apt to increase the unification of the Roman State. This thesis attempts also to show that, contrasting with the modern and methodological linguistic extremism, full of mutual prevention between Philology and Linguistics, Varro conciliated, in the study of the language, two adverse but simultaneously connected plots to the explanation of the phenomenon: the historic-diachronical plot (of etymology), which establishes the basic lexicon (impositio uerborum), and the systemic-synchronal plot (of grammar), that warrants the structure of language and its economic expansiveness (declinatio uerborum). Thus, Varro opened the way to approach important and always present themes: the linguistic use and the norm, the irregularity and the regularity, the creative liberty and the grammatical coercion, the mutability and the stability, finally, the anomaly and the analogy, two necessary poles to the balance and dynamism of the language.

Tradução crítica do livro VIII do \"De Lingua Latina\" do gramático Varrão com o propósito de assim estudar parte dessa obra ainda pouco divulgada em português. Nesse livro Varrão trata sobre a maneira de se expressar na escrita, e na fala - mesmo que de uma minoria ilustrada -, mas também lança seu olhar para a disposição das palavras no enunciado conforme as funções que elas aí ocupam. Isso se evidencia por ele demonstrar preocupação com as regras que deveriam ser seguidas em relação a essa disposição das palavras ao apresentar a discussão de sua época entre analogistas e anomalistas no que se refere à analogia existir ou não no âmbito da linguagem, mais precisamente no âmbito dos processos de formação de palavras em latim. / Critical translation of book VIII of the \"De Lingua Latina\" (On The Latin Language) of the grammarian Varro with the intention to study part of this book still little divulged in Portuguese. In this book Varro deals with on the way if expressing in the writing, and in it speaks - exactly that of an illustrated minority -, but also launches his look for the disposal of the words in agreement statement the functions that they occupy there. This if evidences for him to demonstrate concern with the rules that would have to be followed in relation to this disposal of the words when presenting the quarrel of its time between analogists and anomalists as for the analogy to exist or not in the scope of the language, more necessarily in the scope of the processes of formation of words in Latin.

[pt] Esta dissertação propõe uma pesquisa ad fontes a respeito da teologia natural na Antiguidade Grega até a Patrística. Para isso, foram selecionadas algumas fontes gregas e latinas a fim de buscar os deuses dos poetas, os deuses dos filósofos, a phýsis na tradição bíblica e a theologia tripertita. Em um primeiro momento, foram pesquisados os deuses dos poetas e dos filósofos nos dois primeiros capítulos. Nesses capítulos, foram apresentadas duas abordagens a respeito da teologia natural na filosofia grega. A primeira abordagem trata da teologia natural como uma teologia da natureza. Já a segunda abordagem trata da teologia natural como uma teologia racional. Em um segundo momento, foi investigada a phýsis na tradição bíblica do Antigo Testamento, da Septuaginta e do Novo Testamento. E, por fim, a theologia tripertita (teologia mítica, teologia natural e teologia civil) foi apresentada em quatro pensadores não cristãos (Varrão, Plutarco de Queroneia, Dião Crisóstomo e Aécio) e cinco cristãos (Tertuliano de Cartago, Arnóbio de Sica, Lactâncio, Eusébio de Cesareia e Agostinho de Hipona). / [en] This dissertation proposes an ad fontes research on natural theology in Greek Antiquity through Patristics. For this purpose, this work has selected some Greek and Latin sources in order to find the gods of the poets, the gods of the philosophers, the phýsis in biblical tradition and the theologia tripertita. At first, the gods of the poets and philosophers were surveyed in the first two chapters. In these chapters, two approaches to natural theology in Greek philosophy were presented. The first approach dealt with natural theology as a theology of nature. The second approach dealt with natural theology as a rational theology. Then, the phýsis in the biblical tradition of the Old Testament, the Septuagint, and the New Testament was examined. At last, the theologia tripertita (mythical theology, natural theology, and civil theology) was presented in four non-Christian thinkers (Varro, Plutarch of Chaeronea, Dio Chrysostom and Aetius) and five Christians (Tertullian of Carthage, Arnobius of Sica, Lactantius, Eusebius of Caesarea, and Augustine of Hippo).

The Forum was the center of Roman life. It witnessed a barrage of building, destruction and reuse from the seventh century BCE onwards. By around 80 BCE, patrons chose to renovate the Senate House and Comitium with a fresh paving of tufa blocks. Masons leveled many ruined altars and memorials beneath the flooring. Yet paving also provided a means of saving some of Rome’s past. They isolated the Lapis Niger with black blocks, to keep the city’s sinking history in their present. Paving therefore became a technology of memory for recording past events and people. Yet how effective was the Lapis Niger as a memorial? Many modern scholars have romanced the site’s cultural continuity. However, in fifty years and after two Lapis Nigers, the Comitium had borne a disparity of monuments and functions. Rome’s historians could not agree on what lay beneath. Verrius Flaccus reports that the Lapis Niger ‘according to others’ might mark the site of Romulus’s apotheosis, his burial, the burial of his foster father Faustulus, or even his soldier, Hostius Hostilius (50.177). Nevertheless, modern archaeologists have found no tombs. Instead of trying to comprehend these legends, most scholars use them selectively to isolate a dictator, deity or date. We must instead understand why so many views of the Lapis Niger emerged in antiquity. Otherwise, like ancient antiquarians, we will re- identify sites without end. Recreating how these material and mental landscapes interacted and spawned new pasts tells us more about the Lapis Niger than any new attribution. / text