The virtual public space tends to be articulated as an extension of the contemporary public sphere. However, this is a process that is not being developed horizontally at a global level, there are countries that, like Peru, are identified by the predominant mediation of traditional media, as a consequence of the digital divide, according to which approximately half of the population is still not connected. This study presents the results of a survey of 720 university students in Peru, and our interest lies in describing aspects such as the relationship between trust and consumption of digital media in this country; the main characteristics required of an informative website; the most used interaction mechanisms; and, ultimately, how a group so relevant to Peruvian democracy, such as young university students, tends to channel their participation and experience online. / El espacio público virtual tiende a articularse como una extensión de la esfera pública contemporánea. Sin embargo, este es un proceso que no se está desarrollando horizontalmente a nivel global, hay países que, como Perú, se identifican por la mediación predominante de los medios de comunicación tradicionales, como consecuencia de la brecha digital, según la cual aproximadamente la mitad de la población todavía no está conectada. Este estudio presenta los resultados de una encuesta a 720 estudiantes universitarios en Perú, y nuestro interés radica en describir aspectos como la relación entre la confianza y el consumo de medios digitales en este país; las principales características exigidas de un sitio web informativo; los mecanismos de interacción más utilizados; y, en última instancia, cómo un grupo tan relevante para la democracia peruana, como los jóvenes universitarios, tiende a canalizar su participación y experiencia en línea. / Revisión por pares

nÃo hà / O presente trabalho tem por objetivo estudar como o ÃrgÃo do Poder Executivo Federal brasileiro ligado ao tema da igualdade racial se coloca na esfera pÃblica virtual. A anÃlise concentra-se na experiÃncia de comunicaÃÃo online da Secretaria de PolÃticas de PromoÃÃo da Igualdade Racial (SEPPIR): o site www.seppir.gov.br. O ÃrgÃo foi criado em 2003 para formular, promover e articular aÃÃes que promovam a igualdade racial no paÃs. A SEPPIR comeÃou suas atividades na primeira gestÃo do presidente Luiz InÃcio Lula da Silva e significou uma resposta Ãs demandas histÃricas do movimento negro brasileiro, movimento este que conseguiu colocar a questÃo racial na esfera pÃblica brasileira e que passou, principalmente a partir da dÃcada de 1970, por uma reconstruÃÃo Ãtnica e cultural, pautada, por exemplo, pela defesa da utilizaÃÃo da ideia de raÃa. Tal movimento passou tambÃm a influenciar os partidos polÃticos e a esfera de decisÃo polÃtica e a exigir do Estado, a seu modo, aÃÃes tanto de reconhecimento quanto de redistribuiÃÃo. O site da SEPPIR à o Ãnico veÃculo utilizado pela Secretaria para divulgar, de forma permanente, suas aÃÃes. A presente dissertaÃÃo analisa esse objeto a partir da HermenÃutica de Profundidade, referencial metodolÃgico proposto por J. B. Thompson. Faz isso ao realizar, conjuntamente, as anÃlises sÃcio-histÃrica e discursiva (anÃlise narrativa), alÃm da interpretaÃÃo das formas simbÃlicas estudadas. Em conjunto com esse referencial metodolÃgico, o trabalho busca analisar como a SEPPIR se porta na esfera pÃblica virtual, em relaÃÃo aos tipos de publicidade caracterÃsticos da esfera pÃblica (visibilidade e discutibilidade), e se ela consegue e como consegue atender Ãs exigÃncias democrÃticas para as experiÃncias digitais do Estado (responsividade, porosidade, alÃm da publicidade). A hipÃtese trabalhada e confirmada por este trabalho à de que a SEPPIR nÃo se preocupa em dar grandes contribuiÃÃes à esfera pÃblica discursiva, na qual se prima pelo debate. Ela contribui, em maior medida, com a formaÃÃo de uma esfera de visibilidade pÃblica em torno da questÃo racial. Faz isso sendo o site um polo emissor de discursos sobre a realidade racial brasileira. Discursos cuja narrativa converge com aquela utilizada na histÃria recente do movimento negro, que, por sua vez, assemelha-se à narrativa escolhida pelo Partido dos Trabalhadores nos Ãltimos anos. / The present work aims to study how the organ of the Brazilian Federal Executive linked to the issue of racial equality stands in the virtual public sphere. The analysis focuses on the online communication experience from the Secretariat for the Promotion of Racial Equality (SEPPIR): the website www.seppir.gov.br. The organ was created in 2003 to formulate, promote and coordinate activities that promote racial equality in the country. SEPPIR began its activities in the first administration of President Luiz InÃcio Lula da Silva and it meant a historical response to the demands of the Brazilian black movement, a movement that managed to put the race issue in the public sphere in Brazil and went, especially since the 1970s, through an ethnic and cultural reconstruction, based, for example, on the defense of the use of the idea of race. This movement also began to influence the political parties and the sphere of political decision and to demand from the State, in its own way, shares of both recognition and redistribution. The SEPPIR website is the only vehicle used by the Secretariat to disclose, on an ongoing basis, its actions. The dissertation analyzes the object from the Depth Hermeneutics perspective, the methodological framework suggested by J. B. Thompson. It does that by performing together both socio-historical and discursive analysis (narrative analysis), and the interpretation of symbolic forms studied. In conjunction with this methodological framework, the paper seeks to analyze how SEPPIR behaves in the virtual public sphere, in relation to the types of publicity characteristics of the public sphere (visibility and discutibility) and if it can and how it meets the democratic demands of state digital experiences (responsiveness, porosity, and publicity). The hypothesis elaborated and confirmed by this study is that SEPPIR does not bother to give large contributions to the discursive public sphere in which debate is a main concern. It contributes in a greater extent for the formation of a sphere of public awareness around the race issue. It does that by the website being an issue pole of discourses about the racial reality in Brazil. Discourses whose narrative converges with that used in the recent history of the black movement, which, in turn, resembles the narrative chosen by the Workersâ Party in recent years.

OLIVEIRA, Alicianne Gonçalves de. A questão racial na esfera pública (virtual): a experiência da Secretaria de Políticas de Promoção da Igualdade Racial no Governo Dilma Rousseff. 2012. 223f. – Dissertação (Mestrado) – Universidade Federal do Ceará, Programa de Pós-graduação em Comunicação Social, Fortaleza (CE), 2012. / Submitted by Márcia Araújo (marcia_m_bezerra@yahoo.com.br) on 2014-04-02T16:26:18Z No. of bitstreams: 1 2012-DIS-AGOLIVEIRA.pdf: 2478472 bytes, checksum: f01d7ca6b612f50aafa70c6bf9280a35 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Márcia Araújo(marcia_m_bezerra@yahoo.com.br) on 2014-04-02T17:15:18Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 2012-DIS-AGOLIVEIRA.pdf: 2478472 bytes, checksum: f01d7ca6b612f50aafa70c6bf9280a35 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2014-04-02T17:15:18Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 2012-DIS-AGOLIVEIRA.pdf: 2478472 bytes, checksum: f01d7ca6b612f50aafa70c6bf9280a35 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2012 / The present work aims to study how the organ of the Brazilian Federal Executive linked to the issue of racial equality stands in the virtual public sphere. The analysis focuses on the online communication experience from the Secretariat for the Promotion of Racial Equality (SEPPIR): the website www.seppir.gov.br. The organ was created in 2003 to formulate, promote and coordinate activities that promote racial equality in the country. SEPPIR began its activities in the first administration of President Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva and it meant a historical response to the demands of the Brazilian black movement, a movement that managed to put the race issue in the public sphere in Brazil and went, especially since the 1970s, through an ethnic and cultural reconstruction, based, for example, on the defense of the use of the idea of race. This movement also began to influence the political parties and the sphere of political decision and to demand from the State, in its own way, shares of both recognition and redistribution. The SEPPIR website is the only vehicle used by the Secretariat to disclose, on an ongoing basis, its actions. The dissertation analyzes the object from the Depth Hermeneutics perspective, the methodological framework suggested by J. B. Thompson. It does that by performing together both socio-historical and discursive analysis (narrative analysis), and the interpretation of symbolic forms studied. In conjunction with this methodological framework, the paper seeks to analyze how SEPPIR behaves in the virtual public sphere, in relation to the types of publicity characteristics of the public sphere (visibility and discutibility) and if it can and how it meets the democratic demands of state digital experiences (responsiveness, porosity, and publicity). The hypothesis elaborated and confirmed by this study is that SEPPIR does not bother to give large contributions to the discursive public sphere in which debate is a main concern. It contributes in a greater extent for the formation of a sphere of public awareness around the race issue. It does that by the website being an issue pole of discourses about the racial reality in Brazil. Discourses whose narrative converges with that used in the recent history of the black movement, which, in turn, resembles the narrative chosen by the Workers’ Party in recent years. / O presente trabalho tem por objetivo estudar como o órgão do Poder Executivo Federal brasileiro ligado ao tema da igualdade racial se coloca na esfera pública virtual. A análise concentra-se na experiência de comunicação online da Secretaria de Políticas de Promoção da Igualdade Racial (SEPPIR): o site www.seppir.gov.br. O órgão foi criado em 2003 para formular, promover e articular ações que promovam a igualdade racial no país. A SEPPIR começou suas atividades na primeira gestão do presidente Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva e significou uma resposta às demandas históricas do movimento negro brasileiro, movimento este que conseguiu colocar a questão racial na esfera pública brasileira e que passou, principalmente a partir da década de 1970, por uma reconstrução étnica e cultural, pautada, por exemplo, pela defesa da utilização da ideia de raça. Tal movimento passou também a influenciar os partidos políticos e a esfera de decisão política e a exigir do Estado, a seu modo, ações tanto de reconhecimento quanto de redistribuição. O site da SEPPIR é o único veículo utilizado pela Secretaria para divulgar, de forma permanente, suas ações. A presente dissertação analisa esse objeto a partir da Hermenêutica de Profundidade, referencial metodológico proposto por J. B. Thompson. Faz isso ao realizar, conjuntamente, as análises sócio-histórica e discursiva (análise narrativa), além da interpretação das formas simbólicas estudadas. Em conjunto com esse referencial metodológico, o trabalho busca analisar como a SEPPIR se porta na esfera pública virtual, em relação aos tipos de publicidade característicos da esfera pública (visibilidade e discutibilidade), e se ela consegue e como consegue atender às exigências democráticas para as experiências digitais do Estado (responsividade, porosidade, além da publicidade). A hipótese trabalhada e confirmada por este trabalho é de que a SEPPIR não se preocupa em dar grandes contribuições à esfera pública discursiva, na qual se prima pelo debate. Ela contribui, em maior medida, com a formação de uma esfera de visibilidade pública em torno da questão racial. Faz isso sendo o site um polo emissor de discursos sobre a realidade racial brasileira. Discursos cuja narrativa converge com aquela utilizada na história recente do movimento negro, que, por sua vez, assemelha-se à narrativa escolhida pelo Partido dos Trabalhadores nos últimos anos.

Submitted by Cláudia Bueno (claudiamoura18@gmail.com) on 2015-11-13T19:18:21Z No. of bitstreams: 2 Dissertação - Quézia de Alcântara Guimarães Leite - 2015.pdf: 2572126 bytes, checksum: acd3459da6c1a5cdbe98e832bcbd97a9 (MD5) license_rdf: 23148 bytes, checksum: 9da0b6dfac957114c6a7714714b86306 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Luciana Ferreira (lucgeral@gmail.com) on 2015-11-16T09:36:10Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 2 Dissertação - Quézia de Alcântara Guimarães Leite - 2015.pdf: 2572126 bytes, checksum: acd3459da6c1a5cdbe98e832bcbd97a9 (MD5) license_rdf: 23148 bytes, checksum: 9da0b6dfac957114c6a7714714b86306 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2015-11-16T09:36:10Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 2 Dissertação - Quézia de Alcântara Guimarães Leite - 2015.pdf: 2572126 bytes, checksum: acd3459da6c1a5cdbe98e832bcbd97a9 (MD5) license_rdf: 23148 bytes, checksum: 9da0b6dfac957114c6a7714714b86306 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015-04-29 / Today the new communication environment, the internet, heavily affects social mobilization. At this environment, considered the New Virtual Public Sphere, individuals interact and generate collective actions never seen before. Some authors refer to this process as Horizontal Communication, while others simply name it as an exercise of citizenship. Because of the intersection of the three terms: Horizontal Communication, Public Sphere and Social Mobilization, there is the new concept of Public Citizen Communication. This concept is the process of dialogue between social actors functioning in the public area of contemporary society. In order to verify if the process really occurs, a textual analysis based on Grounded Theory was applied on the communicative actions of the group “Frente de Luta Goiás Contra o Aumento da Passagem de Ônibus”. The group was part of the demonstrations and street protests on the “Outono Brasileiro” in 2013 against the readjustment of public transportation fare in the main cities of the country. Social Networks had substantial part on these demonstrations. This lead to significant analysis by many intellectuals, academics and society in general, regarding the potential of communication involved in social networks. The verification was that in the communicative actions of the activist group “Frente de Luta Goiás”, social networks were in fact used instrumentally. What happened was a scathing mobilization that proved the existence of opinion leadership and social mediation that could be responsible for the collective action of nearly 70,000 people in Goiânia, similarly to the national level demonstrations with more than 1,400,000 people at 200 Brazilian cities on 20th of July of 2013. / As mobilizações sociais, na atualidade, estão sendo impactadas pela nova ambiência da comunicação, a internet. Nesta ambiência, considerada como a nova Esfera Pública Virtual, ocorre interações entre sujeitos que geram participação em ações coletivas nunca antes vistas. Alguns autores denominam tal processo de Comunicação Horizontal e outros como exercício da cidadania. Da interseção dos três binômios: Comunicação Horizontal, Esfera Pública e Mobilização Social nasce a Comunicação Pública Cidadã – processo de diálogo entre atores sociais que atuam na arena pública da sociedade contemporânea. Para verificar se ocorre de fato tal fenômeno foi realizada Análise Textual embasada na Teoria Fundamentada (TF) das ações comunicativas do grupo Frente de Luta Goiás Contra o Aumento da Passagem de Ônibus. Este foi um dos grupos que participou das manifestações durante o Outono Brasileiro no ano de 2013, visando barrar o reajuste da tarifa do transporte público nas principais cidades do país. Em tais mobilizações sociais as redes sociais on-line tiveram destacada participação, o que levou intelectuais, acadêmicos e a sociedade em geral a questionar qual seria o potencial comunicativo que tais plataformas de redes sociais possuíam. Nas ações comunicativas do grupo ativista Frente de Luta Goiás verificou-se que as plataformas de redes sociais da internet foram utilizadas de forma instrumental. Houve igualmente e de forma contundente um processo de mobilização que destacou a existência dos líderes de opinião ou mediadores sociais que podem ter sido os responsáveis pela mobilização de um sujeito composto por cerca de 70 mil manifestantes em Goiânia, à semelhança do que ocorreu no país com a presença de mais de 1 milhão 400 mil pessoas nas ruas de mais de 200 cidades do Brasil, no dia 20 de junho de 2013.

A prerequisite for a healthy, sustainable democracy is an informed citizenry that partakes in the democratic process. This line of thought can be drawn back to the work of Habermas (Habermas, 1989:49). Accordingly, such active engagement necessitates communication to transpire between a citizenry and its chosen representatives as to sustain the democratic process. This also suggests that citizens should be able to participate in the communication process. Consequently, in recent years much discourse on the media and democracy correlation has focused on the potential role that the internet could play in the furtherance of democratic values. Optimistically, a virtual political public forum in which matters of general political concern are discussed could enhance political participation and the consolidation of political rights. The Habermasian public-sphere model incorporates three key elements, which could be applied in this context persons should have universal access to the sphere, the freedom to express diverse opinions, the freedom to receive diverse opinions and information, in addition to the freedom of participating in the public sphere without interference from state or mercantile imperatives (cf.Habermas, 1989). A qualitative content analysis of the web site of Elections Canada showed that the supposedly non-operational public-sphere model could be recovered within a new media context such as the internet despite the fact that the inherent interactive nature of the internet was not fully exploited by Elections Canada. Against this background, the assumption was made that the public-sphere's concepts could also be applied in the context of a developing democracy and accordingly that the sustainability of the democratic system could be further consolidated. The Electoral Commission (IEC) was chosen as a case study, since it is constitutionally mandated to establish a democratic South African society. The creation of an internet public sphere could therefore be one of the ways in which the IEC could contribute to this consolidation process. Through extensive content analysis, it was established that the organisational web site of the IEC was mainly expended as an information dissemination and organisational image-profiling tool. As a result the web site was did not focus on participatory communication. Universal access to the web site was also rather restricted, resulting in limited web site participation to voters from specific socio-economic, cultural, and language backgrounds. It was discovered, nevertheless, that some of the contents available on the web site could at least facilitate 'offline" participatory democracy and public opinion formation. Therefore, although the web site did not implement all of the normative prescriptions of the public-sphere ideal, voters were able to retrieve valuable electoral information that would assist them in capably participating in electoral democracy. / Thesis (M.A. (Communication Studies))--North-West University, Potchefstroom Campus, 2005.

A prerequisite for a healthy, sustainable democracy is an informed citizenry that partakes in the democratic process. This line of thought can be drawn back to the work of Habermas (Habermas, 1989:49). Accordingly, such active engagement necessitates communication to transpire between a citizenry and its chosen representatives as to sustain the democratic process. This also suggests that citizens should be able to participate in the communication process. Consequently, in recent years much discourse on the media and democracy correlation has focused on the potential role that the internet could play in the furtherance of democratic values. Optimistically, a virtual political public forum in which matters of general political concern are discussed could enhance political participation and the consolidation of political rights. The Habermasian public-sphere model incorporates three key elements, which could be applied in this context persons should have universal access to the sphere, the freedom to express diverse opinions, the freedom to receive diverse opinions and information, in addition to the freedom of participating in the public sphere without interference from state or mercantile imperatives (cf.Habermas, 1989). A qualitative content analysis of the web site of Elections Canada showed that the supposedly non-operational public-sphere model could be recovered within a new media context such as the internet despite the fact that the inherent interactive nature of the internet was not fully exploited by Elections Canada. Against this background, the assumption was made that the public-sphere's concepts could also be applied in the context of a developing democracy and accordingly that the sustainability of the democratic system could be further consolidated. The Electoral Commission (IEC) was chosen as a case study, since it is constitutionally mandated to establish a democratic South African society. The creation of an internet public sphere could therefore be one of the ways in which the IEC could contribute to this consolidation process. Through extensive content analysis, it was established that the organisational web site of the IEC was mainly expended as an information dissemination and organisational image-profiling tool. As a result the web site was did not focus on participatory communication. Universal access to the web site was also rather restricted, resulting in limited web site participation to voters from specific socio-economic, cultural, and language backgrounds. It was discovered, nevertheless, that some of the contents available on the web site could at least facilitate 'offline" participatory democracy and public opinion formation. Therefore, although the web site did not implement all of the normative prescriptions of the public-sphere ideal, voters were able to retrieve valuable electoral information that would assist them in capably participating in electoral democracy. / Thesis (M.A. (Communication Studies))--North-West University, Potchefstroom Campus, 2005.

With more political and social discourse taking place online, particularly on social media, theorists have started labeling digital communicative realms as “online public spheres.” However, with the modern public sphere comes modern challenges to political communication; a core antagonist of which is political bots. Political bots are automated accounts that produce content and interact with individuals on political topics on social networks. In this thesis, I analyzed the presence of political bots on Twitter during the 2022 Swedish general election, and by examining the content posted by the bots, I investigated whether they jeopardized democratic functions of the online public sphere by publishing misrepresentation (i.e., artificially increasing the popularity of political actors and political ideas). The analysis uncovered significant bot presence during the 2022 Swedish general election; more than one-fifth of all election-related content was produced by bots, ~90% of which produced misrepresentation. I concluded that political bots jeopardized democratic functions of the online public sphere during the 2022 Swedish general election.