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No description available.

L’idée d’une égalité souveraine apparaît en même temps que le système international multilatéral. Bien que l’égalité souveraine soit consacrée explicitement dans la Charte des Nations Unies, le principe reste indéfini. Cette étude propose une définition de l’égalité souveraine en trois facettes : l’égalité formelle, l’égalité législative et l’égalité existentielle. Suite à l’examen des trois dimensions de l’égalité souveraine, une conception stricte de l’égalité souveraine ne peut être soutenue puisque toutes les facettes sont atteintes d’une relativité soit par la légalisation de l’hégémonie, par la bifurcation de l’ordre juridique international, la représentation inégale au sein des institutions multilatérales ou par l’anti-pluralisme. Bref, l’examen de chacune des facettes du principe de l’égalité souveraine démontre que l’égalité souveraine est une fiction juridique. Le principe de l’égalité souveraine peut difficilement être justifié par rapport à la réalité de la société internationale. Il demeure néanmoins utile, ne serait-ce que pour freiner le pouvoir des Grandes Puissances et se poser comme un idéal à atteindre. / The idea of sovereign equality emerged along with the multilateral international system. Although sovereign equality is explicitly entrenched in the United Nations Charter, a definition remains lacking. This study proposes a three dimensional definition of sovereign equality: formal equality, legislative equality and existential equality. Following an in-depth examination of its three dimensions, a strong conception of sovereign equality cannot be sustained because of legalised hegemony, bifurcation of the international legal order, unequal representation within multilateral institutions and anti-pluralism. Hence, the study of each dimension of sovereign equality shows that sovereign equality is a mere legal fiction. It can hardly be justified in light of the reality of international society. Nevertheless, the principle is still relevant for the purpose of restraining the prerogatives of the Great Powers and remains an ideal to achieve.

La planification de la politique économique au Brésil a été proposée dans les années 1950 avec le but de promouvoir l'indépendance et le développement économique du pays. Cette planification serait réalisée grâce à l'intervention de l'État par le contrôle de l'économie et des marchés, et par la création des entreprises publiques et des secteurs prioritaires, y compris l'énergie. L'État a créé Petrobras dans le but d'encourager la croissance économique du pays, afin de faire croître le pays grâce au contrôle des cycles de production. C’est pourquoi le gouvernement commença à assumer la croissance et à financer les investissements nécessaires pour construire un environnement industriel pour le Brésil. La création de Petrobras se passa avant même la connaissance du sous-sol brésilien ainsi qu’au début de l'extraction pétrolière, croyant en la capacité productrice du Brésil. La planification développementaliste s’est prolongée dans tous les gouvernements, en l’adaptant afin d'évoluer, mais en devenant plus présent par le soutien du secteur privé. Grâce à la politique nationaliste et interventionniste dans l'économie, cela a été caractérisé par l'implication des parties de gauche et de droite, à savoir, le nationalisme n'a pas été dépendent de leur positionnement politique, mais plutôt de l'idéologie économique défendue. Ainsi, la création de Petrobras a été un acte de foi dans la vie politique, un élément de volonté et d’engagement de l’État en faveur du développement de l'énergie, devenant la base de l'économie du Brésil. / In the 1950s, a strategy for Brazil's economic policy was proposed with the goal of promoting economic development and independence. This goal would be accomplished through government intervention, state control of markets, and the division of state-owned and private sectors. The state created Petrobras whose purpose was to encourage economic growth within the energy sector. Through Petrobras, the government began to subsidize the infrastructure necessary to build an industrial profile. Petrobras' creation occurred prior the knowledge of the true wealth of Brazilian natural resources and prior to any active drilling. The state believed and trusted in Brazilian ingenuity and capacity for production. Subsequent administrations continued this policy with support from the private sector, though the policy itself has evolved over time to adapt to modern society. This nationalistic policy and economic interventionism was characteristic of both left and right political parties, demonstrating an economic ideology that transcended political idealism. In a sense, the creation of Petrobras was an act of faith on the part of the state to allow for the development of the energy sector, and the faith state showed in Brazilian resourcefulness was rewarded by an ensuing economic prosperity for the entire country. / O planejamento da política econômica no Brasil foi proposto nos anos 1950 com intuito de promover a independência e o desenvolvimento econômico do país. Seria realizado por meio da intervenção do Estado pelo controle da economia e de mercados, e através da criação de estatais e de setores prioritários, dentre eles a energia. O Estado criou a Petrobras cuja proposta visava incentivar o crescimento econômico por meio próprio, ou seja, crescer através da detenção dos ciclos produtivos. O governo passou a assumir, então, o crescimento e a arcar com os investimentos necessários para a construção de um perfil industrial. A criação da Petrobras aconteceu mesmo antes do conhecimento sobre o subsolo brasileiro ou do início das extrações, pois acreditava-se e confiava-se na capacidade brasileira de produzir. O planejamento desenvolvimentista se estendeu por todos os governos que sucederam, adaptando à proposta à fim de evoluir, mas mantendo-se presente justamente pelo apoio do setor privado. Através da política nacionalista e do intervencionismo da economia, teve como característica o envolvimento com partidos de esquerda e de direita, ou seja, o nacionalismo não dependia de posicionamento político, mas de vertentes de ideologia econômica. De certo modo, a criação da Petrobras foi um ato de fé da política, um elemento de vontade do Estado em prol do desenvolvimento energético, como base da economia brasileira.

Gemeinschaftsgärten unterscheiden sich von anderen urbanen Grünflächen dadurch, dass sie gemeinschaftlich und überwiegend unentgeltlich angelegt und gepflegt werden und einer breiteren Öffentlichkeit zur Verfügung stehen. Marit Rosol führt in ihrer stadtgeographischen Dissertation Gemeinschaftsgärten als einen neuen Freiraumtyp ein und analysiert ihn im Kontext aktueller Tendenzen der Freiraumpolitik, der Forschungen zum bürgerschaftlichen Engagement sowie des Wandels von Staat und Planung. Anhand von neun Berliner Fallbeispielen werden Gemeinschaftsgärten umfassend charakterisiert. Motive und Ziele der relevanten AkteurInnen werden ebenso herausgearbeitet wie Potenziale, Schwierigkeiten und Risiken. Schließlich leitet die Autorin praktische Handlungsempfehlungen sowohl für die GartenaktivistInnen als auch für die räumliche Planung ab. Dabei wird auch auf aktuelle Erfahrungen „grüner Zwischennutzungen“ sowie der community gardens in New York, Toronto und Seattle verwiesen. Gemeinschaftsgärten entstehen derzeit – so die These der Arbeit –vor dem Hintergrund eines gesellschaftlichen Wandels, der einerseits Freiräume für BewohnerInnen schafft, andererseits auch die Gefahr einer Abwälzung bislang kommunaler Aufgaben sowie eine ungleiche Versorgung mit öffentlichen Freiräumen befürchten lässt. Mit der Untersuchung der Bedingungen und Grenzen freiwilligen Engagements leistet die Arbeit einen empirischen und theoretischen Beitrag zur Diskussion um Stand und Entwicklung kommunaler Infrastrukturen. / Community gardens differ from other urban green spaces like parks or allotments, because they are managed collectively and mostly voluntarily and are open to a broader public. Marit Rosol introduces community gardens as a new type of urban green spaces in Germany and analyses it in the context of landscape planning politics, research concerning civic engagement and changes of the (local) state and spatial planning. Based on qualitative research, especially in-depth interviews, nine Berlin case study community gardens are described comprehensively. Motivation and aims of the relevant actors as well as potentials, difficulties and risks are shown. Moreover the author gives practical advise both for gardening activists as for urban planners. For this purpose she also draws on experiences with “green” temporary uses as well as with community gardens in New York, Toronto and Seattle. Community gardens are currently coming into being in Berlin - so the thesis of the work - because of changes in society, which open up new opportunities for residents, but also imply the risk of downloading former state responsibilities onto them and unequal provision with open green spaces. With the study on conditions and barriers of voluntary engagement the work makes a theoretical and empirical contribution to the debates of state and development of municipal infrastructures.

Research was undertaken for this thesis to uncover characteristics of resilient volunteers and stewardship groups, both of which are a major element of the social mobilisation strategy used in Australia to manage natural resources. The ability of volunteers and groups to overcome problems, deal with new issues as they arise, and keep going under pressure is termed 'resilience'. A 'resilience management' approach to natural resource management uses the idea of 'adaptive change' or panarchy to understand the development of resilience and thus, sustainability in human communities. According to this theory, sustainable communities are both changeable and stable, adapting to new situations as they arise. The research approach used in the study is called 'phenomenography'. It is an interpretive approach, based on the central assumption that there is variation in the ways in which people experience the same phenomenon. Phenomenography was used to see if lessons about resilience and sustainability could be learnt from catchment volunteers. All participants were 'catchment volunteers' working along the east coast of Queensland. They were drawn from a variety of organisations and programs including Landcare; Coastcare; Bushcare; Greening Australia; Waterwatch; treeplanting groups; and Integrated Catchment Management Committees. A total of 26 personal and group interviews involving 85 participants were conducted. Interviews comprised a series of semi-structured questions that were tape-recorded, then transcribed verbatim. Through a process of comparing and contrasting themes in the transcriptions, six conceptions emerged. These were: catchment volunteering was experienced as seeking and maintaining balance; developing/maintaining an identity; empowerment; learning; networking; and sustainable. Analysis of these themes was used to develop a model of catchment volunteer experiences depicting relationships between conceptions (termed the 'Outcome Space' in phenomenography). In this study the Outcome Space emerged as a set of scales, signifying the importance of keeping a balanced perspective on volunteering - a balance between things such as personal goals and organisational goals; between dedication to an unpaid vocation and family life; and between social benefits and environmental benefits. From the Outcome Space, several conceptual and practical outcomes were developed. These included: a typology of participation based on volunteer experiences; a table describing forms of empowerment in catchment volunteering; a table listing drivers for catchment volunteers; an illustration of Holling and Gunderson's adaptive cycle as it applies to stewardship groups; a table of factors that enhance the resilience and sustainability of stewardship groups; a model of the relationship between external pressures and resilient, sustainable stewardship groups; and guidelines for developing resilient sustainable stewardship groups. These outcomes contribute to an understanding of individual, group and community level responses to environmental issues; and how resilience can be developed in volunteers and stewardship groups and programs.

L’idée d’une égalité souveraine apparaît en même temps que le système international multilatéral. Bien que l’égalité souveraine soit consacrée explicitement dans la Charte des Nations Unies, le principe reste indéfini. Cette étude propose une définition de l’égalité souveraine en trois facettes : l’égalité formelle, l’égalité législative et l’égalité existentielle. Suite à l’examen des trois dimensions de l’égalité souveraine, une conception stricte de l’égalité souveraine ne peut être soutenue puisque toutes les facettes sont atteintes d’une relativité soit par la légalisation de l’hégémonie, par la bifurcation de l’ordre juridique international, la représentation inégale au sein des institutions multilatérales ou par l’anti-pluralisme. Bref, l’examen de chacune des facettes du principe de l’égalité souveraine démontre que l’égalité souveraine est une fiction juridique. Le principe de l’égalité souveraine peut difficilement être justifié par rapport à la réalité de la société internationale. Il demeure néanmoins utile, ne serait-ce que pour freiner le pouvoir des Grandes Puissances et se poser comme un idéal à atteindre. / The idea of sovereign equality emerged along with the multilateral international system. Although sovereign equality is explicitly entrenched in the United Nations Charter, a definition remains lacking. This study proposes a three dimensional definition of sovereign equality: formal equality, legislative equality and existential equality. Following an in-depth examination of its three dimensions, a strong conception of sovereign equality cannot be sustained because of legalised hegemony, bifurcation of the international legal order, unequal representation within multilateral institutions and anti-pluralism. Hence, the study of each dimension of sovereign equality shows that sovereign equality is a mere legal fiction. It can hardly be justified in light of the reality of international society. Nevertheless, the principle is still relevant for the purpose of restraining the prerogatives of the Great Powers and remains an ideal to achieve.

La planification de la politique économique au Brésil a été proposée dans les années 1950 avec le but de promouvoir l'indépendance et le développement économique du pays. Cette planification serait réalisée grâce à l'intervention de l'État par le contrôle de l'économie et des marchés, et par la création des entreprises publiques et des secteurs prioritaires, y compris l'énergie. L'État a créé Petrobras dans le but d'encourager la croissance économique du pays, afin de faire croître le pays grâce au contrôle des cycles de production. C’est pourquoi le gouvernement commença à assumer la croissance et à financer les investissements nécessaires pour construire un environnement industriel pour le Brésil. La création de Petrobras se passa avant même la connaissance du sous-sol brésilien ainsi qu’au début de l'extraction pétrolière, croyant en la capacité productrice du Brésil. La planification développementaliste s’est prolongée dans tous les gouvernements, en l’adaptant afin d'évoluer, mais en devenant plus présent par le soutien du secteur privé. Grâce à la politique nationaliste et interventionniste dans l'économie, cela a été caractérisé par l'implication des parties de gauche et de droite, à savoir, le nationalisme n'a pas été dépendent de leur positionnement politique, mais plutôt de l'idéologie économique défendue. Ainsi, la création de Petrobras a été un acte de foi dans la vie politique, un élément de volonté et d’engagement de l’État en faveur du développement de l'énergie, devenant la base de l'économie du Brésil. / In the 1950s, a strategy for Brazil's economic policy was proposed with the goal of promoting economic development and independence. This goal would be accomplished through government intervention, state control of markets, and the division of state-owned and private sectors. The state created Petrobras whose purpose was to encourage economic growth within the energy sector. Through Petrobras, the government began to subsidize the infrastructure necessary to build an industrial profile. Petrobras' creation occurred prior the knowledge of the true wealth of Brazilian natural resources and prior to any active drilling. The state believed and trusted in Brazilian ingenuity and capacity for production. Subsequent administrations continued this policy with support from the private sector, though the policy itself has evolved over time to adapt to modern society. This nationalistic policy and economic interventionism was characteristic of both left and right political parties, demonstrating an economic ideology that transcended political idealism. In a sense, the creation of Petrobras was an act of faith on the part of the state to allow for the development of the energy sector, and the faith state showed in Brazilian resourcefulness was rewarded by an ensuing economic prosperity for the entire country. / O planejamento da política econômica no Brasil foi proposto nos anos 1950 com intuito de promover a independência e o desenvolvimento econômico do país. Seria realizado por meio da intervenção do Estado pelo controle da economia e de mercados, e através da criação de estatais e de setores prioritários, dentre eles a energia. O Estado criou a Petrobras cuja proposta visava incentivar o crescimento econômico por meio próprio, ou seja, crescer através da detenção dos ciclos produtivos. O governo passou a assumir, então, o crescimento e a arcar com os investimentos necessários para a construção de um perfil industrial. A criação da Petrobras aconteceu mesmo antes do conhecimento sobre o subsolo brasileiro ou do início das extrações, pois acreditava-se e confiava-se na capacidade brasileira de produzir. O planejamento desenvolvimentista se estendeu por todos os governos que sucederam, adaptando à proposta à fim de evoluir, mas mantendo-se presente justamente pelo apoio do setor privado. Através da política nacionalista e do intervencionismo da economia, teve como característica o envolvimento com partidos de esquerda e de direita, ou seja, o nacionalismo não dependia de posicionamento político, mas de vertentes de ideologia econômica. De certo modo, a criação da Petrobras foi um ato de fé da política, um elemento de vontade do Estado em prol do desenvolvimento energético, como base da economia brasileira.

No description available.

Indiana University-Purdue University Indianapolis (IUPUI) / This study examines the essential features of women’s experiences as members of a service association. It uses a qualitative method to understand how women make meaning from their membership in an all-female association and a mixed-gender association. The experiences were examined in comparative contexts. The study finds three common features in each association: joining, volunteering, and leading. In the mixed-gender association, women also experienced a process of assimilating into membership activities. The study provides scholars and association practitioners insights into the complex blend of members’ personal and professional interests with implications for membership recruitment and retention.