Submitted by Daniele Ferreira Seridorio null (seridorio@gmail.com) on 2016-10-11T01:24:36Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertação Daniele F. Seridório.pdf: 3302884 bytes, checksum: 1ec30a8e49911054e366480acd984b34 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Juliano Benedito Ferreira (julianoferreira@reitoria.unesp.br) on 2016-10-17T18:49:50Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 seridorio_df_me_bauru.pdf: 3302884 bytes, checksum: 1ec30a8e49911054e366480acd984b34 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-10-17T18:49:50Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 seridorio_df_me_bauru.pdf: 3302884 bytes, checksum: 1ec30a8e49911054e366480acd984b34 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-08-22 / Fundação de Amparo à Pesquisa do Estado de São Paulo (FAPESP) / A expansão do ambiente on-line possibilitou às assembleias de praça pública alcançar fóruns, sites e outras plataformas digitais de interação. Para o processo deliberativo foi cunhado um novo termo, a deliberação on-line. Esta pesquisa reflete sobre a deliberação on-line e os processos comunicativos e interativos que a envolvem, aplicados à análise do debate poder definir a qualidade de um ambiente deliberativo on-line. O objeto de estudo é o website Vote na Web - criado em 2009 pela empresa Webcitizen - que tem como objetivo aproximar os cidadãos do ambiente deliberativo da Câmara dos Deputados. A análise se constitui da descrição das ferramentas de arquitetura do website, da qualidade do resumo apresentado e do debate em torno do projeto de lei 7633/2014 no vote na Web. As categorias que utilizamos foram: inclusividade, respeito mútuo, tópico, provimento de razão, reciprocidade e reflexividade. O estudo indicou que o Vote na Web, como experiência de uso político da internet, é arena participativa, mas não deliberativa. O potencial de deliberação - que não se efetiva - está justamente em permitir que as pessoas participem em torno de determinado tópico, mas essa participação não leva à deliberação, esses usuários conversam, em sua maioria, sozinhos, ou somente leem os outros comentários e se posicionam, mas sem aprofundar-se na reciprocidade e na reflexividade. O Vote na Web é uma complementação para os temas que estão em discussão na esfera pública. / The expansion of the online connection had come to the public spaces meeting and took them to online forums, sites and other digital interactive platforms. From deliberation process it was shaped a new concept, online deliberation. This research aims to reflect about online deliberation and the communicative and interactive process that it involves, applying to the analyses of the messages to be able to determinate the quality of an online deliberation space. The object of the study is the website “Vote na Web”, which principal propose is to approximate Brazilian citizens to the deliberation area that is the National Legislative Assembly. The investigation was based in the description of the website's architecture tools, the quality of the abstract and the debate around the law project 7633/2014 presented in the website. The categories that we used were: inclusivity, mutual respect, rational provision, topic, reciprocity and reflexivity. This study indicated that the website “Vote na Web” it is a participative arena, but not deliberative. The deliberative potential it is in allowing that people participate around as specific topic, but this participation doesn’t achieve deliberation level, most of the users talk alone, without going deep into reciprocity and reflexivity. “Vote na Web” offers a complementation to the topics that are in discussion in the public sphere. / FAPESP: 2014/12307-6 / FAPESP: 2015/18826-8

O presente trabalho pretende estudar o instituto do voto direto no direito político constitucional brasileiro. A dimensão dos direitos políticos no Brasil nem sempre esteve relacionada à crescente participação política no processo eleitoral. Essa importância decorre do próprio processo histórico, da extensão desses direitos e do modo como ocorreu essa movimentação. O poder conferido à autoridade, para agir em nome de alguém em uma democracia representativa, se dá através de eleições, isto é, o mecanismo eleitoral é compreendido como meio de ratificar uma ação. Nesse diapasão, tal meio de renovação ocorre em períodos determinados, tendo aprovação limitada a esse ínterim. Assim, por intermédio de eleições o escolhido através do voto popular poderá agir em nome dos eleitores e sua representação será legitimada. Daí a imperiosidade de compreender a extensão da história do voto no Brasil, seu contexto histórico e social, pois através dela buscaremos entender o aperfeiçoamento da representação política e a amplificação da acepção da democracia. / The present work intends to study the institute of direct voting in Brazilian constitutional political law. The dimension of non-Brazil's political rights is not always related to growing political participation in the electoral process. This important is a process of distributing historical documents, an extension of rights and the way in which this movement occurred. The power conferred on the authority to act on behalf of someone in a representative democracy is through elections, that is, the electoral mechanism is understood as a means of ratifying an action. In this tuning fork, such a means of renewal in case of non-compliance. Thus, through elections the one chosen through popular vote, acting on behalf of the voters and their representation will be legitimized. Hence the imperiousness of an extension of the history of voting in Brazil, its historical and social context, through which we will seek to understand the improvement of political representation and the amplification of the acceptance of democracy.

Muito se tem discutido a respeito de uma suposta consolidação do regime democrático no Brasil. O que deve se ter em mente é que essa consolidação sempre será falaciosa se não forem levados em conta alguns obstáculos ainda não superados pela democracia no país. Tais obstáculos são formados não apenas por alguns aprimoramentos institucionais ainda necessários, mas principalmente pela demanda por inclusão de segmentos da sociedade que, atualmente, se encontram tolhidos da esfera política. Na linha de frente desses excluídos estão os cidadãos com baixa escolaridade e os que sofrem com os percalços da pobreza, que, juntos, são protagonistas de grande parte dos déficits de participação política no país. No Brasil, pobreza e baixa escolaridade estão longe de serem problemas residuais, atingindo parcela considerável de seus cidadãos. A participação política, entretanto, pode ser um dos primeiros passos para que o excluído se liberte dessa condição que resulta na sua alienação política. Impossível imaginar qualquer tipo de solução para sanar os déficits de participação política sem o estímulo ao desenvolvimento de uma cultura cívica. A participação gera a oferta de políticas direcionadas ao grupo politicamente ativo, a alienação política, por sua vez, emudece as demandas dos alienados que, em grande parte, são os que mais precisam de políticas públicas específicas. O estímulo a uma cultura cívica participativa se apresenta como alternativa para a quebra do círculo vicioso gerado pela alienação política, pobreza e analfabetismo. / Much have been argued regarding a supposed consolidation of the democratic system in Brazil. What it must to had in mind is that this consolidation always will be fallacious if will not be taken in account some obstacles not yet surpassed by the democracy in the country. Such obstacles are formed not only by some still necessary institutional improvements, but mainly by the demand for inclusion of segments of the society that, currently, are finded hindered of the political sphere. In the front line of these excluded they are the citizens with low school time, and the ones that suffer with the demages of the poverty, that, together, are protagonists of great part of deficits of political participation in the country. In Brazil, poverty and low time of school is far from being residual problems, reaching considerable parcel of their citizens. The political participation, however, can be one of the first steps for the excluded set it free of this condition that results in their political alienation. Impossible to imagine any type of solution to cure deficits of political participation without stimulation for the development of a civic culture. The participation generates offers of politics directed to the politically active group, the alienation politics, in turn, it silences the demands of the alienated that, to a large extent, are the ones that more need specific publics political. The stimulation of a participated civic culture presented as alternative for broke of vicious circle generated by the alienation politics, poverty and illiteracy.

Orientadores: Mario Jino, Manoel Gomes de Mendonça Neto, Victor Robert basili / Tese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Faculdade de Engenharia Eletrica e de Computação / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-09T03:08:37Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Cruzes_DanielaSoares_D.pdf: 5878913 bytes, checksum: 3daddec5bb0c08c955c288b74419bccc (MD5) Previous issue date: 2007 / Resumo: Enquanto é claro que existem muitas fontes de variação de um contexto de desenvolvimento de software para outro, não é claro, a priori, quais variáveis específicas influenciarão a eficácia de um processo, de uma técnica ou de um método em um determinado contexto. Por esta razão, o conhecimento sobre a engenharia de software deve ser construído a partir de muitos estudos, executados tanto em contextos similares como em contextos diferentes entre si. Trabalhos precedentes discutiram como projetar estudos relacionados documentando tão precisamente quanto possível os valores de variáveis do contexto para assim poder comparálos com os valores observados em novos estudos. Esta abordagem é importante, porém argumentamos neste trabalho que uma abordagem oportunística também é prática. A abordagem de análise secundária de estudos discutida neste trabalho (SecESE) visa combinar resultados de múltiplos estudos individuais realizados independentemente, permitindo a expansão do conhecimento experimental em engenharia de software. Usamos uma abordagem baseada na codificação da informação extraída dos artigos e dos dados experimentais em uma base estruturada. Esta base pode então ser minerada para extrair novos conhecimentos de maneira simples e flexível / Abstract: While it is clear that there are many sources of variation from one software development context to another, it is not clear a priori, what specific variables will influence the effectiveness of a process, technique, or method in a given context. For this reason, we argue that knowledge about software engineering must be built from many studies, in which related studies are run within similar contexts as well as very different ones. Previous works have discussed how to design related studies so as to document as precisely as possible the values of context variables and be able to compare with those observed in new studies. While such a planned approach is important, we argue that an opportunistic approach is also practical. This approach would combine results from multiple individual studies after the fact, enabling the expansion of empirical software engineering knowledge from large evidence bases. In this dissertation, we describe a process to build empirical knowledge about software engineering. It uses an approach based on encoding the information extracted from papers and experimental data into a structured base. This base can then be mined to extract new knowledge from it in a simple and flexible way / Doutorado / Engenharia de Computação / Doutor em Engenharia Elétrica

O trabalho proposto tem por objetivo a reconstrução dos debates relativos ao Código Eleitoral de 1932. Analisamos como as medidas introduzidas pelo Código fizeram parte da construção de uma nova concepção de representação política, a qual é produzida como verdadeira. A presença do conteúdo de verdade nos discursos de 1930 expõe a necessidade de uma substituição do falso pelo verdadeiro, opondo a representação presente na Primeira República, na qual a fraude eleitoral e a abstenção são apresentadas como entraves à democracia, a uma nova representação, que deveria se constituir a partir da lisura e da participação eleitorais. O regime introduzido pelo Governo Provisório, por ter se constituído sem a confirmação eleitoral, necessitava urgentemente de legitimação, a qual foi buscada por duas vias: o aumento da participação e a transparência das eleições. Entendemos que as medidas introduzidas pelo Código Eleitoral de 1932 caminham no sentido de uma inclusão política, tendo como base o pressuposto de que quanto maior o eleitorado, mais representativo o governo e, portanto, mais legítimo. No entanto, argumentamos que o controle eleitoral, que se dava no período anterior por meio das fraudes eleitorais e da dificuldade do alistamento, não se extingue, mas sofre transformações. Em outras palavras, o poder sobre as eleições é deslocado das mãos das oligarquias locais para o domínio da burocracia estatal. Assim, analisaremos como o conceito de representação verdadeira combina a expansão do eleitorado ao controle dos eleitores e elegíveis ao mesmo tempo em que busca estabelecer uma ligação legítima entre representantes e representados. / The purpose of the proposed work is to reconstruct the debates related to the Electoral Code of 1932. We analyze how the measures introduced by the Code were part of the construction of a new conception of political representation, which is produced as truthful. The presence of the content of truth in the speeches of 1930 exposes the need for a replacement of the untrue for the genuineness, opposing the type of representation that was present in the First Republic, in which electoral fraud and abstention are presented as obstacles to democracy, to a new representation that should be based on electoral integrity and real participation. Because it was constituted without electoral confirmation, the regime introduced by the Provisional Government urgently needed legitimacy, which was sought in two ways: increased participation and election transparency. We understand that the measures introduced by the 1932 Electoral Code are moving towards political inclusion, based on the assumption that the larger the electorate, the more representative the government and, therefore, the more legitimate it is. However, we argue that electoral control, which occurred in the previous period through electoral fraud, and the difficulty of enlistment, are not extinguished but undergo transformations. In other words, power over elections is shifted from the hands of local oligarchies into the domain of state bureaucracy. Thus, we will analyze how the concept of true representation associates with the expansion of the electorate onto the control of the eligibles and the voters, while at the same time seeking to establish a legitimate link between the representatives and the represented.

Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento CientÃfico e TecnolÃgico / A pesquisa tem o objetivo de observar, no plano estadual cearense, se a aÃÃo polÃtica dos deputados estaduais da Assembleia Legislativa era direcionada aos municÃpios nos quais obtiveram votos e como se dava a relaÃÃo deles com o partido. Em ambos os casos, o polÃtico parlamentar cumpriria seu mandato tendo em vista se reeleger na eleiÃÃo seguinte, seja ao mesmo cargo no legislativo, seja a outro cargo polÃtico. Para viabilizar a pesquisa foi necessÃrio, como perspectiva metodolÃgica, perceber a importÃncia do espaÃo geogrÃfico, ou seja, importÃncia analÃtica da geografia polÃtica para compreender quais as demandas sugeridas aos nossos representantes atravÃs das estratÃgias adotadas pelos candidatos na Assembleia Legislativa e, assim, perceber como a representaÃÃo e a representatividade polÃtica sÃo exercidas na aÃÃo legislativa estadual. Elaborei, ao final, tipologias para interpretar a distribuiÃÃo de votos dos deputados estaduais. No resultado, temos a formaÃÃo de circunscriÃÃes informais e a presenÃa de bases eleitorais territoriais que conduzem a aÃÃo polÃtica de grande parte dos deputados pesquisados. / The research aims to observe whether the political actions of the representatives at the Legislative Assembly of the State of Cearà were directed to the municipalities in which they obtained most of their vote and how was their relationship with their political parties. Politicians fulfill their term of office in order to be granted a new mandate in the next election. This mandate might be a renewed one at the Legislative Assembly or a new mandate at another political office. The political geography of the Assembly elections was analyzed to understand the relationship between vote distribution and the type o parliamentary activity. A typology of vote distribution was elaborated leading to the conclusion that there are informal territorial constituencies and that most politicians guide their actions towards these constituencies.

Submitted by Renata Lopes (renatasil82@gmail.com) on 2017-08-24T14:56:05Z No. of bitstreams: 1 matheusgomesmendoncaferreira.pdf: 1488127 bytes, checksum: 11208e62a2884b0788b69c06085b3aeb (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Adriana Oliveira (adriana.oliveira@ufjf.edu.br) on 2017-08-25T11:54:08Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 matheusgomesmendoncaferreira.pdf: 1488127 bytes, checksum: 11208e62a2884b0788b69c06085b3aeb (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-08-25T11:54:08Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 matheusgomesmendoncaferreira.pdf: 1488127 bytes, checksum: 11208e62a2884b0788b69c06085b3aeb (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-11-10 / CAPES - Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / Afirmar que as eleições 2014 no Brasil resultaram na divisão eleitoral entre Norte/Nordeste e Sul/Sudeste não é a melhor maneira de compreender este processo político. Os dados mostram que há uma disputa particular dentro de cada estado e que cada eleição deve ser compreendida não só pelo histórico eleitoral de processos anteriores, mas também através de uma lógica interna própria ao momento em que ocorre. Essa equivocada polarização entre macrorregiões conduz o leitor a interpretar o voto a partir de uma lógica puramente econômica, ao passo que este estudo avança sobre a necessidade de pensar o eleitor sobre as multifaces do voto. / To affirm that the 2014 elections in Brazil resulted in the electoral division between North / Northeast and South / Southeast is not the best way to understand this political process. The data show that there is a particular dispute within each state and that each election must be understood not only by the electoral history of previous processes but also by an internal logic proper to the moment in which it occurs. This mistaken polarization between macro-regions leads the reader to interpret the vote from a purely economic logic, while this study advances the need to think about the multifaceted voters.

Se pencher sur « les élections que fait le peuple » dans la République de Genève revient à se fixer un double objectif. Il s’agit d’une part d’éclairer un des points obscurs de l’historiographie genevoise pendant les quelques trente dernières années du « long sommeil » du Conseil général, avant la crise de 1707 ; d’autre part d’approfondir des questionnements plus généraux concernant l’histoire du vote et de la procédure électorale sous l’Ancien Régime à partir du terrain genevois, qui est de ce point de vue d’une richesse exceptionnelle. Ces deux approches permettront de réinterroger le concept de formalité, qui a été souvent utilisé à propos de ces élections, en faisant varier les échelles et les points de vue.Sans occuper une place centrale dans le système constitutionnel genevois ni dans l’accession aux charges, les élections populaires gardent une importance autant théorique que pratique à Genève (1ère partie, à quoi sert-il d’élire ?). Si la légitimité vient d’ailleurs, que ce soit dans la théorie gouvernementale qui conçoit le pouvoir comme le patrimoine de certaines familles, ou dans l’opposition bourgeoise en 1707, qui veut avant tout restaurer l’exercice direct de la souveraineté par le Conseil général (vote des lois, de l’impôt etc.), et n’envisage à aucun moment un système représentatif, l’élection populaire crée néanmoins un lien particulier entre certains magistrats et le peuple (Ch.1). Si les résultats sont souvent prévisibles, ils ne le sont pas totalement et des enjeux demeurent si l’on y regarde d’assez près : le jeu est plus ouvert quand un poste de syndic est vacant et, si les syndics sortants sont toujours reconduits sur notre période, il est arrivé plusieurs fois que les citoyens menacent de « faire sauter les vieux » (Ch.2). Les multiples précautions qui sont adoptées dans la manière d’élire montrent aussi que ces élections populaires demeurent importantes, d’une façon d’ailleurs différente pour le gouvernement et pour les citoyens (2ième partie, comment élire ?). Malgré l’ordre aristocratique qu’affirment les préséances, la fiction de la souveraineté théorique du peuple doit être préservée par le rituel électoral (Ch.3). Si l’organisation spatiale du vote et la technique du vote auriculaire mettent les électeurs sous pression, les citoyens s’insurgent finalement contre ce système et obtiennent le vote par billet et l’isoloir, grande nouveauté dans l’Europe d’alors (Ch.4). Certains citoyens s’impliquent enfin d’une manière quelque peu particulière dans l’élection à travers les brigues, qui sont pour les brigueurs comme pour les brigués un grand moment de sociabilité, dont nous pouvons découvrir les différents acteurs grâce aux sources exceptionnelles que constituent les dossiers d’enquête des procès pour brigue (Ch.5). / By leaning on « The elections the people does » in the Republic of Geneva, we have set to reach two objectives. On the one hand, we wanted to shed light on a subject which has been largely overlooked by the scholarly literature concerning the 30 last years of the “long sleep” of the General Council. On the other hand, we wanted to raise larger questions about the history of voting and electoral proceedings in the Ancien Regime through the exceptionally well-documented case of Geneva. In crossing these two approaches, we will reinterrogate the concept of formality, which has often been used about these elections, and use various scales of analysis and points of view. Even if popular elections do not play a central role in the constitutional system or in the accession to offices, they still have a theoretical and practical importance in Geneva (1st part. What is the use of elections?).Though legitimacy lies elsewhere, both in governmental theory which considers power as the patrimony of certain families, and for the citizens in the opposition party in 1707 who want to restore the sovereignty of the General Council through the direct exercise of its powers (the vote of laws, of new taxes etc.) and never envision a representative system, popular elections still create a particular link between some magistrates and the people (Ch.1). Though the outcome of these elections is often highly predictable, it is not always so and we see that there are stakes if we look close enough: the game is more open when one of the seats for the syndicate is vacant and, though the incumbent syndics are always reelected during our period, citizens have threatened several times that they would “skip the old ones” (Ch.2). The multiple precautions adopted in the manner of electing also show that these popular elections matter, and in a different way for the government and for citizens(2d part. How to elect?). Despite the aristocratic hierarchy maintained by the order of precedence, the electoral ritual must preserve the theoretical sovereignty of the people (Ch.3). Though the spatial organization of the vote and the practice of the auricular vote put citizens under pressure, they finally rise against this system and obtain the vote by ballot and the voting booth, a great novelty in Europe at the time (Ch.4). Finally, some citizens are involved in the election in a quite peculiar way, by taking part in electoral cabals, which are a great social occasion both for cabal leaders and for bribed voters, and which we can discover in great details thanks to exceptional primary sources such as the investigation files in the trials for caballing (Ch.5).

Doctorat en sciences sociales, politiques et économiques / info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

This paper examines to what extent political candidates’ characteristics listed on the ballot affect election outcomes in municipal councils in Sweden. We exploit data on candidates’ name, age, sex, occupation, party affiliation, and candidates’ position listed on the ballots for 3757 elected candidates of 59 municipalities. The data on 19 September 2010 elections to municipal councils in Sweden has been considered in this paper. A probit regression approach has been employed for identifying occupational effects whereas the main outcome variable is binary, namely whether a candidate is elected by preference votes threshold or not. Candidates with occupations such as mayor, political official, parliament member, farmer, head, entrepreneur and teacher are found to have electoral advantage. In contrast, salesman, retired, student, pensioner, and assistant are found less likely to be person selected. The results remain robust in case of occupations related to political incumbency such as political officials, mayor and parliament member even if demographic effects (gender and age), ballot position effects, party effects and municipality effects are added into regression analysis. The same results also hold regarding the alternative outcome variable, personal vote share. Male candidates are found to have electoral advantage over female candidates. The findings also suggest that there are higher chances to be person selected if a candidate’s name is listed within top three ballot positions. Finally, statistically significant and negative effects are found for the left-wing candidates with occupations such as retired, student, ombudsman, graduate, and businessman. On the other hand, candidates with occupations such as salesman, engineer, graduate, administrator, manager, driver, economist, consultant, self-employed, and lawyer have electoral disadvantage being placed on right-wing party list. However, mayor and political officials from both groups of parties always have electoral advantage. To sum up, our findings support the hypothesis that occupations play a significant role in the elections to municipal councils in Sweden. The findings of the study have implications for our understanding of voting behavior in low-information elections in Sweden.