La constitution des Français de l’étranger comme catégorie politique est étudiée en décloisonnant les perspectives entre histoire, droit, science politique, et en les confrontant à l’approche anthropologique. Ces Français et leurs élus sont appréhendés sous les angles matériel et idéel. L’étude des institutions au travail, exécutif et législatif, éclaire le rôle des crises, des guerres mondiales à la globalisation. L’horizon territorial national y est relativisé.Pour résoudre les antagonismes entre nationalité et résidence hors du territoire national, ces Français expriment les liens qu’ils ont avec leur pays d’origine, en combinant pratiques locales et transnationales. La projection du système de représentation français hors des frontières, avec des règles spécifiques, fait que les élus, pour remplir la dimension transnationale de leur fonction et leur rôle en France, combinent pratiques réelles et virtuelles. Ils sont porteurs d’innovations institutionnelles, dont les limites sont l’objet même du débat, pour traduire le principe d’égalité de leurs électeurs devant la loi en égalité de droits.Ces Français sont un élément de l’altérité, nécessaire à la construction nationale. La forme du système politique en place, droit de vote et représentation, témoigne de la plasticité institutionnelle et de ses limites pour réduire des contraintes contradictoires. Dans un monde globalisé faire entrer cette nouvelle localité dans la vie sociale et politique permet d’intégrer à la fois le dépassement du territoire et l’autoperpétuation de l’Etat. / The construction of the French from abroad as a political category is studied by confronting historical, legal and political sciences perspectives with an anthropological approach. The French from abroad and their representatives are examined from ideal and material points of view. The review of the legislative and executive powers demonstrates the preponderant role played by crises, from the two world wars to globalization. Through these crises the conceptual framework of the nation as a territorial entity is put into perspective.To solve the antagonisms between nationality and residence outside of France, they express their connection with their homeland through local and transnational practices. As the French political representation system is projected abroad their elected representatives combine real world and virtual practices to fulfil their transnational mission and their functions in France. They activate institutional innovations to translate the principle of equality before the French law for their constituents into equality in rights. The limits of the proposals are the keystone of the debates.These French are an element of alterity, crucial to the national construction. The shape of the current political system, right to vote and to elect representatives, demonstrates the institutional plasticity, and its limits, in addressing contradictory constraints. In a globalized world, integrating this new locality into social and political life is a way to combine the overtaking of the territory and the auto perpetuation of the State.

L'objet de cette thèse (bi-disciplinaire, en informatique et sciences politiques) est l'étude de phénomènes d'influence dans des situations de prise de décision collective, impliquant plusieurs sujets interdépendants, ce qui amène à considérer des domaines dits combinatoires. L'importance de ces phénomènes d'influence est observée depuis de nombreuses années dans différents domaines (dont les sciences politiques), mais leur modélisation reste peu développée jusqu'à présent. En se basant sur un modèle existant intégrant la prise en compte de l'influence à un langage de représentation des préférences ordinal, le premier travail de cette thèse a été d'identifier des schémas d'influences pouvant survenir, entre sujets et/ou agents différents. Une deuxième contribution de cette thèse est la prise en compte de domaines partiels (permettant de représenter contraintes exogènes et abstentions, par exemple), une nécessité dans les situations envisagées. De même, différents modèles visant à capturer l'influence simultanée de plusieurs agents sont présentés et discutés. Dans un deuxième temps, l'exemple des votes au conseil de sécurité del'ONU est utilisé: l'occurence de ces schémas est envisagée à l'aide d'une analyse qualitative de différentes séquences de votes (sciences politiques), et de la recherche d'indices de schémas similaires dans les données de vote accessibles. Enfin, le modèle est mobilisé dans le cadre d'une simulation multi-agents (réalisée en Netlogo), et visant à tester différentes réformes envisagées du conseil de sécurité. / Influence study in combinatorial and collective decision-making, is an interdisciplinary research area combining computer science and social science, especially artificial intelligence and collective decision-making. Influence has long been studied, for instance in political science, but in the context of combinatorial and collective decision-making, this calls for a study of how influences works among multi-agents and multi-issues, how influences and decision-making are interleaved, and how the structures of influence among agents and issues produce an effect. In the thesis, we mainly performed three aspects of work:Firstly, build complex models of influence based on preference representation languages and social influence models, proposed a series of new patterns of influence to better describe the complex influences in real-world situation, and discussed a series of theoretical problems of influencing and influenced structure, influence from more than one origins, and influence with abstentions and constraints. We then test the models of influence from an exemplary perspective for interdisciplinary study, from both social science and computer science paradigms, by both qualitative case studies approach and quantitative matching algorithms approach, to provide an evaluation for the models of influence.Finally, we use the models of influence to perform agent-based simulations, by the example UN Security Council voting. We design those experiments from both social and computer science perspectives, implement it in Netlogo, and discuss the interleaved effects between new cases of influence and different SC reform schemes.

En décembre 1968, le gouvernement du Québec adopte deux lois implantant le suffrage universel dans toutes les municipalités de la province. Les résidents qui ont vingt et un ans et plus peuvent donc désormais voter aux élections municipales de la ville dans laquelle ils résident s’ils sont citoyens canadiens et s’ils y sont domiciliés depuis au moins un an. C’est également le cas des non-résidents propriétaires ou locataires d’un bloc à logements, d’un commerce ou d’un bureau sur le territoire de la ville. Au départ, la Ville de Montréal refuse de se soumettre aux dispositions de ces lois. Elle maintient sur son territoire une conception du droit de vote municipal qui limite son exercice à certains propriétaires et aux locataires contribuables. Qu’est-ce qui motive la Ville à refuser d’emboîter le pas au gouvernement québécois et d’adopter cette réforme? Mon mémoire vise à mettre au jour les raisons pour lesquelles la municipalité adopte une telle décision, qui suscite à l’époque le mécontentement de plusieurs groupes militants montréalais. Pourquoi avoir décidé de limiter ainsi l’exercice d’un droit aussi fondamental? Pour répondre à cette question, j’ai dépouillé des procès-verbaux de débats parlementaires, des articles de journaux et des textes de loi, en plus de consulter des sources historiographiques. Le mémoire avance que Montréal soutient durant la période étudiée une forme de citoyenneté urbaine qui est de nature méritante et exclusiviste. Elle s’oppose à celle du gouvernement du Québec, qui se veut universelle et inclusive, mais qui reconduit toutefois certaines caractéristiques méritantes. De plus, mon étude affirme que les groupes militants montréalais de l’époque, regroupés au sein du parti politique « Front d’action politique », soutiennent une citoyenneté urbaine qui assure une réelle égalité politique pour les résidents montréalais, et confronte les autorités politiques sur leur définition de la citoyenneté à Montréal. / In December 1968, Quebec’s provincial government passed two laws introducing universal suffrage in all municipalities on its territory. Residents who are twenty-one or older, provided they were Canadian citizens domiciled in the city for at least a year, were now allowed to vote in the municipal elections. This was also the case for non-residents who owned or rented an apartment block, business, or office in the city. Initially, the City of Montreal refused to abide by the provisions of these laws. It maintained a version of the municipal right to vote on its territory which limited its exercise to certain owners or taxpaying tenants. What was the City's motivation for refusing to follow the provincial government's lead and adopt this reform? My thesis aims to uncover the reasons why the municipality embraced such a choice, which was met at the time with discontent by several activist groups in Montreal. Why limit the exercise of such a fundamental right? To answer this question, I examined the minutes of parliamentary debates, newspaper articles and legislative texts, as well as various historiographical sources. My thesis therefore considers that the City of Montreal supports a form of urban citizenship during the period studied that is meritorious and exclusivist in nature. It opposes the Quebec government’s proposed form of citizenship, which is universal and inclusive but retains certain meritorious characteristics. Furthermore, my thesis argues that Montreal activist groups of the time, grouped within the political party « Front d’action politique », supported a form of urban citizenship that ensured real political equality for Montreal residents, and confronted the political authorities on their definition of citizenship in Montreal.

La littérature reconnaît depuis longtemps que la performance économique peut influencer les résultats électoraux. Les chercheurs n’ont, cependant, pas encore réussi à démontrer que le phénomène se produit systématiquement d’une élection à l’autre et d’une juridiction à l’autre. En nous concentrant sur les élections tenues dans des gouvernements locaux à fonction unique, comme les commissions scolaires, nous pensons réussir à mieux comprendre l’évaluation que font les électeurs de la performance des élus. Ce mémoire s’intéresse à l’efficacité du processus démocratique en place dans les commissions scolaires. Plus particulièrement, nous étudions le lien entre les résultats électoraux et la performance des élus dans les commissions scolaires. Nous faisons l’hypothèse que la performance des élus passe par trois mesures de performance, soit l’Academic Performance Index (API), le taux de décrochage et le ratio élèves-enseignant. En plus de nous intéresser au lien entre les résultats électoraux et la performance des élus, nous prenons le temps de bien comprendre et d’analyser les déterminants de la performance elle-même ainsi que du taux de participation. Pour ce faire, nous analysons les résultats des élections scolaires tenues en Californie entre 1995 et 2009. Avec notre vaste base de données, nous arrivons à trouver plusieurs facteurs déterminants dans chacun des modèles étudiés. Bien que peu de nos résultats pointent directement dans le sens du vote rétrospectif lors des élections scolaires californiennes, ces quelques résultats tendent à indiquer que le phénomène est bel et bien présent.

Mémoire numérisé par la Direction des bibliothèques de l'Université de Montréal.

In this paper, I shall discuss the requirements of obtaining valid proxies under the various state laws and the regulations of the Securities and Exchange Commission. Because of the many state jurisdictions involved, it is not possible to define exactly the requirements of each. However, I shall follow the general practice and attempt to point out the significant variations therefrom. I shall also point out how several recent proxy contests were waged and make some recommendations for changes in SEC regulations and state laws to secure a greater voice for the independant stockholder.

Thèse numérisée par la Direction des bibliothèques de l'Université de Montréal.

O trabalho proposto tem por objetivo a reconstrução dos debates relativos ao Código Eleitoral de 1932. Analisamos como as medidas introduzidas pelo Código fizeram parte da construção de uma nova concepção de representação política, a qual é produzida como verdadeira. A presença do conteúdo de verdade nos discursos de 1930 expõe a necessidade de uma substituição do falso pelo verdadeiro, opondo a representação presente na Primeira República, na qual a fraude eleitoral e a abstenção são apresentadas como entraves à democracia, a uma nova representação, que deveria se constituir a partir da lisura e da participação eleitorais. O regime introduzido pelo Governo Provisório, por ter se constituído sem a confirmação eleitoral, necessitava urgentemente de legitimação, a qual foi buscada por duas vias: o aumento da participação e a transparência das eleições. Entendemos que as medidas introduzidas pelo Código Eleitoral de 1932 caminham no sentido de uma inclusão política, tendo como base o pressuposto de que quanto maior o eleitorado, mais representativo o governo e, portanto, mais legítimo. No entanto, argumentamos que o controle eleitoral, que se dava no período anterior por meio das fraudes eleitorais e da dificuldade do alistamento, não se extingue, mas sofre transformações. Em outras palavras, o poder sobre as eleições é deslocado das mãos das oligarquias locais para o domínio da burocracia estatal. Assim, analisaremos como o conceito de representação verdadeira combina a expansão do eleitorado ao controle dos eleitores e elegíveis ao mesmo tempo em que busca estabelecer uma ligação legítima entre representantes e representados. / The purpose of the proposed work is to reconstruct the debates related to the Electoral Code of 1932. We analyze how the measures introduced by the Code were part of the construction of a new conception of political representation, which is produced as truthful. The presence of the content of truth in the speeches of 1930 exposes the need for a replacement of the untrue for the genuineness, opposing the type of representation that was present in the First Republic, in which electoral fraud and abstention are presented as obstacles to democracy, to a new representation that should be based on electoral integrity and real participation. Because it was constituted without electoral confirmation, the regime introduced by the Provisional Government urgently needed legitimacy, which was sought in two ways: increased participation and election transparency. We understand that the measures introduced by the 1932 Electoral Code are moving towards political inclusion, based on the assumption that the larger the electorate, the more representative the government and, therefore, the more legitimate it is. However, we argue that electoral control, which occurred in the previous period through electoral fraud, and the difficulty of enlistment, are not extinguished but undergo transformations. In other words, power over elections is shifted from the hands of local oligarchies into the domain of state bureaucracy. Thus, we will analyze how the concept of true representation associates with the expansion of the electorate onto the control of the eligibles and the voters, while at the same time seeking to establish a legitimate link between the representatives and the represented.

Esta dissertação estuda o voto na filosofia política de Hegel. Nossa hipótese é que o modelo hegeliano de voto consegue pacificar as divergências entre interesses individuais e coletivos que surgem a partir da representação da sociedade civil na assembleia do Estado. Após uma introdução ao seu pensamento, onde serão considerados aspectos da dialética hegeliana, estudaremos o contexto histórico no qual se insere a filosofia hegeliana. A partir daí, teremos as referências necessárias para trabalharmos com a teoria madura da sociedade civil e do Estado na Filosofia do Direito. Discutiremos o voto como instrumento de intercâmbio dessas esferas, como elemento de efetivação das liberdades individuais e coletivas. Analisamos como a participação eleitoral se propõe a ser um desses mecanismos que satisfaça a exigência moderna de conservar os interesses individuais, ao mesmo tempo em que programam interesses coletivos. Tema relevante até os dias de hoje, a disputa entre indivíduo e comunidade, Hegel oferece uma solução que satisfaça a ambos e responde a isso com o voto estamental e corporativo. / This dissertation studies the vote in Hegel\'s political philosophy. Our hypothesis is that the Hegelian model of vote can pacify the differences between individual and collective interests that arise from the representation of civil society in meeting the state. After an introduction to his thought, which will be considered aspects of Hegelian dialectics, we will study the historical context. From there, we will have the necessary references to work with the mature theory of civil society and the state in the Philosophy of Law. We will discuss the vote as an exchange tool such spheres as effective element of individual and collective freedoms. We analyze how the turnout is proposed to be one of those mechanisms that meet modern demands to retain individual interests, while scheduling collective interests. Theme relevant for today, the contest between individual and community, Hegel offers a solution that satisfies both and responds to this with states and corporate vote.

Esta pesquisa consiste em um estudo de caso realizado no município de São Paulo, no qual se explorou a dinâmica eleitoral por dentro de uma igreja evangélica pentecostal que pertence à denominação Assembleia de Deus, Ministério Belém, durante o período de 2014 a 2016. A investigação se deu tanto no plano da instituição religiosa em questão, separando os níveis do alto clero e de um templo comum periférico, quanto no plano dos seus fiéis. Na dimensão institucional, procurou-se observar qual o discurso político-eleitoral veiculado pela instituição religiosa, e como ela se organiza em termos eleitorais para difundi-lo. Já no plano dos fiéis, identificou-se como eles agem em relação às posições políticas da igreja, tanto em termos amplos de visão política, quanto no voto em si. Para discutir o papel e a força política da igreja, foi preciso levar em conta também a conjuntura política que o país passava no período, e como os fiéis a liam em cada um dos pleitos. A pesquisa abrangeu tanto as eleições legislativas quanto executivas. Nas duas eleições observadas, perceberam-se diferentes tipos e intensidades de engajamento da instituição religiosa entre as eleições legislativas e executivas, e também um crescente discurso antipetista. Entre os fiéis, encontrou-se forte apoio aos candidatos promovidos pela instituição, mas diferenças subjetivas na impressão sobre cada um deles. Nas eleições municipais de 2016, observou-se o surgimento de um grupo de fiéis que discordou da indicação da igreja. Encontrou-se também o crescimento do antipetismo entre os fiéis, ao longo do tempo, o que culminou no quase desaparecimento do grupo de lulistas na eleição de 2016. Analisando o comportamento dos fiéis ao longo do tempo, foi possível identificar diferenças de lógicas de pensar e de escolha dos votos entre a eleição legislativa e executiva, e procurou-se explicar tal diferença pela forma como que eles entendiam cada uma das esferas, sendo o legislativo visto como uma arena de disputa de valores, e o executivo como o lócus de disputa material da sociedade. / This research analyses the electoral dynamics within a Pentecostal church of the denomination Assembly of God, in one of its main ministries, the ministry of Belém, during the election of 2014 and 2016 in São Paulo, Brazil. The investigation approached both institutional and membership levels. In the institutional dimension, I analyzed what speeches were delivered, in the high clergy and in a common temple, and how the institution were organized in electoral terms to manifest this speech. In the membership dimension, I analyzed how they react to the institution acts and speeches, and also the shaping of the points of view and how they affected them in the electoral level, considering the influence of the church and also socioeconomics issues. The observation conducted covered both legislative and executive levels. This investigation found different types and intensities of engagement from the institution in the legislative and executive levels, and also the growth of the anti-PT speech. In the membership dimension, I found a strong support of the candidates promoted by the church in the proportional level, but also subjective differences between them. In 2016 election, we observe the emergence of a group of members that disagreed of the church`s promoted candidate. We also found the growth of the anti-PT along the period, what resulted in the near disappearance of the lulista group in 2016. Analyzing the behavior and the points of view of the members, the found important differences in the ways they think and chooses politics in legislatives and executives elections. We explained these differences by this way of thinking in each one of these levels, where the legislative is seen as an arena dispute of values, and the executive as the level of material disputes.