ABSTRACT Jean-Michel Lafleur Title of the dissertation: Political Transnationalism and the State The first part of the thesis consists in a review of the literature and a conceptual discussion about the concept of immigrant transnationalism and immigrant political transnationalism. This discussion shows that a series of gaps currently exists in the research on the links between the emigrants and the home country. Two of such gaps are underlined in the thesis. On the one hand, it remains difficult to determine why states decide to extend political citizenship to their citizens abroad. On the other hand, the influence of the state on its emigrant community seems neglected for the benefit of a post-national vision of citizenship. These are the gaps that this thesis is trying to address. The second part of the thesis presents in three case studies the results of the empirical research conducted in Italy, Belgium and Mexico. Some elements of migration history introduce each case and is then followed by an extensive analysis of the debate on the extension of political citizenship (especially the right to vote from abroad). A special focus is put on the role of internal actors (political parties, administrations) and external actors (migrants, associations). In the third part of the thesis, the author conducts a comparative analysis of the three cases. By doing so, the reasons why states extend political citizenship to citizens residing abroad appears clearly. It also leads to reject the post-national vision of citizenship supported by some scholars. After the presentation of the four variables pushing to act as they do in the field of external political citizenship, the thesis concludes by opening up new research tracks in the field of political transnationalism. RESUME DE LA THESE EN FRANçAIS Jean-Michel Lafleur Titre de la thèse (traduit) : Le transnationalisme politique et lEtat Titre original de la thèse: Political Transnationalism and the State La première partie consiste en une revue de la littérature et une discussion conceptuelle sur les concepts de transnationalisme et de transnationalisme politique dans le champ des études migratoires. Cet exercice met en lumière une série de lacunes dans la recherche actuelle sur les liens entre les émigrés et le pays dorigine. Deux de ces lacunes sont particulièrement mises en évidence. Dune part, il a y la difficulté de dégager les raisons poussant différents états à travers le monde à étendre la citoyenneté politique à leurs citoyens établis à létranger, et cela, en raison du faible nombre de projets de recherches comparatifs. Dautre part, le rôle de lEtat semble négligé dans la littérature existante en raison de la prégnance dune vision post-nationale de la citoyenneté dans nombre détudes sur les liens entre pays dorigine et émigrés. La deuxième partie est constituée de la restitution des données empiriques collectées dans trois pays: Belgique, Italie, Mexique. Chacun des cas détude est introduit pas une brève introduction au profil migratoire du pays. Ensuite, il est procédé à une analyse du débat sur lextension de la citoyenneté politique entre acteurs internes (partis, administrations, pouvoir judiciaire) et externes (migrants, associations). La troisième partie consiste en une analyse comparative des trois cas détude. Il ressort de cette analyse que quatre variables poussent les états à étendre la citoyenneté politique externe. Chacune dentre elles est examinée dans une dimension comparative. Le travail de thèse conclut en soulignant lapport de la dissertation au champ de la recherche sur le transnationalisme dans les études migratoires et ouvre une série de pistes pour des recherches futures.

O presente trabalho tem por objetivo traçar os principais contornos do instituto do benefício particular, positivado na legislação brasileira por meio do artigo 115, §1º, da Lei n. 6.404/76, diferenciando-o do instituto relativo ao interesse conflitante nas sociedades, insculpido no mesmo dispositivo supra citado. A partir da análise do Direito Comparado, constatou-se que o benefício particular, tal como o conhecemos hoje no Brasil, tem origem na legislação francesa, especificamente nas Leis de 17 de julho de 1956 e 24 de julho de 1867. Os contornos de sua conceituação, portanto, estão intimamente ligados às razões de ordem histórica e teleológica que levaram o legislador estrangeiro a criá-lo, o qual visava, à época, afastar os abusos e inconveniências decorrentes da aprovação, em assembleia, de vantagens especiais e exclusivas pelo próprio sócio beneficiário dessas vantagens. Complementarmente, por meio da análise e interpretação sistemática da legislação societária brasileira e de outras fontes de direito disponibilizadas, como a doutrina e a jurisprudência, pôde-se definir algumas das características mais marcantes do instituto, das quais se pode destacar a licitude, a gratuidade e o caráter social das vantagens a ele associadas, garantindo ao beneficiado acesso aos fundos sociais. Em paralelo, para fins de mera comparação com o instituto do benefício particular, foram abordados alguns aspectos relativos ao instituto do conflito de interesses, reafirmando conceitos doutrinários já sedimentados acerca do alcance do interesse social e procurando, a partir da análise da legislação brasileira e comparada, fixar alguns elementos intrínsecos a esse instituto, tal como a ilicitude e o caráter extrassocial da vantagem visada pelo acionista conflitado. Comparando as características do benefício particular e do conflito de interesses, pode-se concluir que, apesar da aparente semelhança que carregam, tratam-se de institutos distintos, que regulam situações diversas, não podendo ser confundidos ou tomados um pelo outro, sendo possível, de fato, se estabelecer um critério relativamente seguro para distingui-los entre si, conferindo uma maior segurança jurídica aos aplicadores do direito, evitando-se, assim, algumas interpretações equivocadas acerca dos institutos, tais como aqueles constantes nos posicionamentos da Comissão de Valores Mobiliários analisados ao final desse trabalho. / The current paper has the sole purpose of designing the main lines of the private benefits regulation, reaffirmed by means of Act 115, §1st, in the Brazilian law number 6.404/76, distinguishing it from institutions that relate to conflicting partnership interests, comprehended by the same aforementioned Act. From assessing the Paired Law regulation, it has been understood that the private benefits, such as it is currently recognized in Brazil, is based on the French legislation, more specifically on the July 17, 1956 and July 24, 1867 Acts. Therefore, the contours of its conceptualism are intimately connected to historic and teleological reasoning that took the foreign regulator to create it and which aimed, at that time, to keep away abuse and inconveniences resulting from the approval, in an shareholders meeting, of special and exclusive advantages by their own beneficiary parties. In addition, by means of systematically assessing and interpreting the Brazilian Corporate Law and other Law resources made available, such as the Law doctrine and jurisprudence, it was possible to determine some of the most outstanding characteristics of such an institute, among which the lawfulness, gratuity and social character of the advantages associated with it can be highlighted, thus assuring the access of the beneficiary party to social funds. In parallel, by means of solely comparing the private benefits regulation, some aspects regarding the conflict of interests were also assessed, reaffirming doctrine concepts about the reach of social interests that are already established and trying to determine, by means of analyzing the Brazilian Corporate Law and Paired Law, some of the elements that are inherent to that establishment, such as its wrongfulness and the extrasocial character of the advantage pledged by the conflicting party. By pairing the characteristics of private benefits and the conflict of interests, it is concluded that, despite their apparent similarities, those are distinct institutes that regulate diverse situations, which cannot be confused or taken by one another and, in fact, it is possible to establish a relatively safe criteria to differentiate both, thus providing greater judicial accuracy to Law enforcers, and this way avoiding misinterpretation of regulation, such as those that are common to the positioning of the Brazilian Securities and Exchange Commission that are analyzed in the end of this paper.

Le système électoral fait de plus en plus objet de débats et de discussions au Canada et ailleurs dans le monde. Bien qu’il existe de nombreuses études sur les avantages et les inconvénients des différents systèmes électoraux, très peu d’entre elles examinent les préférences des citoyens concernant les modes de scrutin et plus particulièrement la façon dont les individus expriment leur choix sur le bulletin de vote. Dans le cadre de ce mémoire, je m’attarde aux questions suivantes : quelle façon de voter les citoyens préfèrent-ils et pourquoi ? Afin de répondre à ces questions, j'ai mené une expérience en laboratoire avec près de 200 participants dans le cadre des élections fédérales canadiennes de 2019. Les participants furent invités à voter dans une série d'élections en utilisant chacune des trois façons de voter suivantes en ordre aléatoire : scrutin à vote unique, vote par approbation et vote par rangement. Après chaque vote, les participants furent informés du résultat électoral dans leur groupe et interrogés sur leur niveau de satisfaction à l'égard de chaque façon de voter. Les résultats démontrent que les citoyens préfèrent avoir la possibilité de classer les partis plutôt que d'utiliser un scrutin à vote unique ou un vote par approbation. Les individus sont également plus susceptibles d’aimer un mode scrutin lorsqu'ils sont satisfaits des résultats de l’élection. / Debates over which electoral system would best serve the general public are on the rise in Canada and in other democratic countries. Although there exists a rich literature on the benefits and shortcomings of different electoral systems, very few studies examine citizens’ preferences regarding voting rules and the ways in which individuals can cast their vote. In this paper, I address the following questions: What voting rules do citizens prefer and why? To address these questions, I conducted a within-subject laboratory experiment with nearly 200 participants in the run up to the 2019 Canadian federal election. Participants were asked to vote in a set of elections using each of the three following types of ballots in random order: one-mark ballot, approval voting and ranked voting. After each vote, participants were informed of the election results and asked about their level of satisfaction with each voting system. The results show that citizens prefer having the option to rank order the parties rather than using a one-mark ballot or approval voting. Individuals are also more likely to favour voting rules when they are satisfied with the results of the election.

De nombreuses applications font appel à des méthodes d'apprentissage capables de considérer différentes sources d'information (e.g. images, son, texte) en combinant plusieurs modèles ou descriptions. Cette thèse propose des contributions théoriquement fondées permettant de répondre à deux problématiques importantes pour ces méthodes :(i) Comment intégrer de la connaissance a priori sur des informations ?(ii) Comment adapter un modèle sur des données ne suivant pas la distribution des données d'apprentissage ?Une 1ère série de résultats en classification supervisée s'intéresse à l'apprentissage de votes de majorité sur des classifieurs dans un contexte PAC-Bayésien prenant en compte un a priori sur ces classifieurs. Le 1er apport étend un algorithme de minimisation de l'erreur du vote en classification binaire en permettant l'utilisation d'a priori sous la forme de distributions alignées sur les votants. Notre 2ème contribution analyse théoriquement l'intérêt de la minimisation de la norme opérateur de la matrice de confusion de votes dans un contexte de données multiclasses. La 2nde série de résultats concerne l'AD en classification binaire : le 3ème apport combine des fonctions similarités (epsilon,gamma,tau)-Bonnes pour inférer un espace rapprochant les distributions des données d'apprentissage et de test à l'aide de la minimisation d'une borne. Notre 4ème contribution propose une analyse PAC-Bayésienne de l'AD basée sur une divergence entre distributions. Nous en dérivons des garanties théoriques pour les votes de majorité et un algorithme adapté aux classifieurs linéaires minimisant cette borne. / Many applications make use of machine learning methods able to take into account different information sources (e.g. sounds, image, text) by combining different descriptors or models. This thesis proposes a series of contributions theoretically founded dealing with two mainissues for such methods:(i) How to embed some a priori information available?(ii) How to adapt a model on new data following a distribution different from the learning data distribution? This last issue is known as domain adaptation (DA).A 1st series of contributions studies the problem of learning a majority vote over a set of voters for supervised classification in the PAC-Bayesian context allowing one to consider an a priori on the voters. Our 1st contribution extends an algorithm minimizing the error of the majority vote in binary classification by allowing the use of an a priori expressed as an aligned distribution. The 2nd analyses theoretically the interest of the minimization of the operator norm of the confusion matrix of the votes in the multiclass setting. Our 2nd series of contributions deals with DA for binary classification. The 3rd result combines (epsilon,gamma,tau)-Good similarity functions to infer a new projection space allowing us to move closer the learning and test distributions by means of the minimization of a DA bound. Finally, we propose a PAC-Bayesian analysis for DA based on a divergence between distributions. This analysis allows us to derive guarantees for learning majority votes in a DA context, and to design an algorithm specialized to linear classifiers minimizing our bound.

Esta dissertação tem como proposta analisar o papel dos sentimentos na estruturação das escolhas eleitorais durante a eleição presidencial brasileira de 2006. Especificamente, trata-se de analisar de que forma as emoções dos eleitores em relação aos candidatos afetam e estimulam a avaliação e o voto nos mesmos. Primeiramente, buscamos demonstrar formas de mensuração das emoções em termos quantitativos através de pesquisas de survey realizadas durante o período eleitoral. Em segundo lugar, buscamos evidenciar que a avaliação retrospectiva (considerada uma forma racional do voto) pode ser melhor entendida se buscarmos compreender como a avaliação de governo interage com os estados emocionais dos eleitores. Destarte, negando a longa tradição que contrapõe razão e emoção dentro da política, salientamos a tese de que os sentimentos constituem uma importante variável no processamento de informações e, consequentemente, na decisão do voto. / This dissertation analyzes how emotions helped structure electoral choices during the campaign for the presidency of Brazil in 2006. How do the voters\' feelings towards the candidates affect and stimulate their choices? To answer this, at first we show different quantitative measures of emotions, based on surveys applied during the campaign period. Then we gather evidence to support the idea that retrospective voting can be better understood if the incumbent\'s evaluation - interacting with the voter\'s emotions - is taken into account. Therefore, we deny the traditional dichotomy between reason and emotion in electoral behavior studies, indicating that feelings are an important variable to be considered by any analyst that intends to understand how citizens decide whom to vote for.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-26T20:23:54Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Lucas Gieron Fonseca e Silva.pdf: 993896 bytes, checksum: f42b179fb78c4fc8a9879e2e3bd9deb7 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015-09-21 / The right to vote is, in the Brazilian legal system, the main instrument of popular sovereignty and constitutional democracy. It is through this right that citizens express their opinion in a decision-making process. However, in order to the vote configure effectively a right, certain assumptions must be observed: obedience to popular sovereignty and a constitutional democracy. Not enough, the Constitution should provide - and ensure - that the vote has all its necessary elements, as the universality, immediacy, equality and secrecy. So, at first it will be analyzed the conditions for the development of the right to vote. Two distinct concepts of popular sovereignty will be presented, so we can build a current concept of it. Still, possible concepts of democracy will be analyzed, and especially of constitutional democracy. The second phase, will be dedicated to the study of conformation of the vote as a fundamental political right and its essential elements. Thus, it will be shown that vote, in the Brazilian legal system, is an instrument of popular sovereignty and, at the same time, fundamental right. With respect to its essential elements, the goal is to demonstrate that the Federal Constitution provides them (universality, immediacy, equality and secrecy) and at the same time, sets impediments to legislator, which should always act to prestigiate them / O direito ao voto é, no ordenamento jurídico brasileiro, o principal instrumento da soberania popular e democracia constitucional. É através deste que os cidadãos manifestam sua opinião em um processo decisório. Contudo, para que o voto configure, efetivamente, um direito, algumas premissas devem ser observadas: a previsão de obediência à soberania popular e a constitucionalização da democracia. Não bastante, a Constituição deve prever e assegurar que o voto possua todos os seus elementos necessários, ou seja, universalidade, imediaticidade, igualdade e o sigilo. Assim, em um primeiro momento serão analisadas os pressupostos para o desenvolvimento do direito ao voto. Serão apresentados dois conceitos distintos de soberania popular, para que possamos construir um conceito atual desta. Ainda, serão analisados os possíveis conceitos de democracia e, especialmente, da democracia constitucional. Em um segundo momento, dedicar-se-á ao estudo da conformação do voto enquanto um direito político fundamental e de seus elementos essenciais. Assim, será demonstrado que o voto, no ordenamento jurídico brasileiro, é instrumento da soberania popular e, ao mesmo tempo, direito fundamental. Com relação aos seus elementos essenciais, o objetivo é demonstrar que a Constituição Federal prevê todos (universalidade, imediaticidade, igualdade e sigilo) e, ao mesmo tempo, configura verdadeiros impedimentos ao legislador constituído, que deverá, sempre, atuar no sentido de prestigiá-los

Lorsque des systèmes, tels les barrages, sont soumis à un haut degré d’incertitude et que l’heuristique des experts prend une place très importante, les outils habituels de gestion des risques ne sont pas toujours efficaces pour rendre compte du jugement des experts. Les sciences de la décision proposent alors des outils pour aider à la compréhension, voire à l’élicitation de l’avis des experts. Dans le cas des barrages, nous disposons d’un retour d’expérience encore peu formalisé et de peu d’événements significatifs. En outre, les mécanismes phénoménologiques à l’œuvre sont mal connus. Il est alors nécessaire d’invoquer des outils qui sortent des habitudes pratiquées dans la gestion des risques. Cette étude propose une méthode qui permet à l’expert de mieux éliciter son jugement, et de révéler les risques sur les barrages par un traitement ordinal de l’information d’expertise. En outre, nous montrerons que cet outil est un estimateur du maximum de vraisemblance, et promet donc une information de première importance pour un décisionnaire. Pour parvenir à ce résultat, nous utiliserons une méthode articulée autour des bases de règles logiques, dont la construction est enrichie par des outils issus des théories du vote, des jeux coopératifs et des bases de données. De cette façon, nous montrerons qu’il est possible de gérer les risques sans utiliser les outils issus des approches probabilistes, tout en prenant en compte les heuristiques des experts. / When facing high uncertainty systems, such as dams, where experts heuristics becomes too much important, usual tools are not satisfying enough to reveal experts’ opinion in order to manage the risks associated with the system. Decision science then brings tools to sharpen our understanding, or even help the elicitation, of what the expert wants best to express. Concerning dams, we have only very little feedback, and no to few significant events. In addition to the lack of knowledge when it comes to the phenomenological mechanisms, these issues lead us to use unusual tools for risk management. This study brings an innovative tool to help on the elicitation of experts’ opinion, allowing risk management on dams based on an ordering approach. Furthermore, we will show this tool is an estimation of the maximum likelihood, which is invaluable information for any decision maker. We will show this result is obtainable through a method using rule based assignments, developing the rules thanks to tools like votes, games and database theories. Doing so, we will show how it is possible to process risks without using usual probabilistic tools, while taking experts’ heuristics into account.

The thesis submitted deals with the period of 1945 {--} 1948, the period of the end of the World War II and the beginning of the communist regime. It follows the events in the Czechoslovak Republic since its liberation by the American and Soviet Armies, the punishment of the collaborators and the withdrawal of the German inhabitants, the establishment of the National Front and People{\crq}s committees as new administrative and authority units, further the Constitutive National Assembly elections in May of 1946, gradual fall of the National Front, communist coup d{\crq}état of February 1948 and subsequent May election, with all the events focused on the region of the chosen South Bohemian town {--} Písek. The events start to be followed in May of 1945, in the long{--}awaited days of liberation from Nazism. It deals with the restoration of autonomous authorities in the form of the Local and the District people{\crq}s committee as well as the restoration of the activities of political parties which peaked during the election campaign of 1946 reflecting in the results of the election. It also pays attention to the disputes among the parties and their members that culminate in the February events of 1948 and oncoming new socio{--}political arrangements. Least but not last, it also deals with a severe post{--}war situation of the Czech inhabitants, supply cut-off difficulties as well as the restoration of the remained town ruins.

Esta dissertação tem como proposta analisar o papel dos sentimentos na estruturação das escolhas eleitorais durante a eleição presidencial brasileira de 2006. Especificamente, trata-se de analisar de que forma as emoções dos eleitores em relação aos candidatos afetam e estimulam a avaliação e o voto nos mesmos. Primeiramente, buscamos demonstrar formas de mensuração das emoções em termos quantitativos através de pesquisas de survey realizadas durante o período eleitoral. Em segundo lugar, buscamos evidenciar que a avaliação retrospectiva (considerada uma forma racional do voto) pode ser melhor entendida se buscarmos compreender como a avaliação de governo interage com os estados emocionais dos eleitores. Destarte, negando a longa tradição que contrapõe razão e emoção dentro da política, salientamos a tese de que os sentimentos constituem uma importante variável no processamento de informações e, consequentemente, na decisão do voto. / This dissertation analyzes how emotions helped structure electoral choices during the campaign for the presidency of Brazil in 2006. How do the voters\' feelings towards the candidates affect and stimulate their choices? To answer this, at first we show different quantitative measures of emotions, based on surveys applied during the campaign period. Then we gather evidence to support the idea that retrospective voting can be better understood if the incumbent\'s evaluation - interacting with the voter\'s emotions - is taken into account. Therefore, we deny the traditional dichotomy between reason and emotion in electoral behavior studies, indicating that feelings are an important variable to be considered by any analyst that intends to understand how citizens decide whom to vote for.

Bien que le caractère fondamental du droit de vote ne soit plus contesté dans les pays démocratiques, il semble néanmoins subsister un fort a priori quant aux qualités morales requises pour pouvoir disposer de la capacité électorale. En effet, dans de nombreux États, on considère que les détenus doivent systématiquement être privés de leur droit de vote, car indignes de participer à la vie démocratique. Néanmoins, tant la Cour constitutionnelle d’Afrique du Sud que la Cour suprême du Canada et la Cour européenne des droits de l’Homme ont invalidé des dispositions législatives qui allaient en ce sens. L’analyse comparative de ces décisions, doublée d’une étude de l’évolution historique du droit de vote, révèle que ce droit, autrefois conçu comme un droit fonctionnel – soit un droit de vote ayant d’abord pour objectif la protection de la démocratie en tant qu’institution – est aujourd’hui perçu essentiellement comme un droit individuel - soit un droit de vote avant tout défini comme un droit fondamental attaché à l’individu et à sa dignité. Or, outre le fait que cette sacralisation de l’aspect individuel du droit de vote laisse désormais peu de place aux limitations étatiques, elle a aussi pour effet d’occulter les valeurs collectives qui sont, autant que la participation individuelle au suffrage, au cœur de la démocratie. Cette thèse propose ainsi certaines pistes de solutions qui visent à rétablir un équilibre entre les deux pôles du droit de vote, en cherchant à la fois à préserver la dignité individuelle attachée à l’acte électoral et à valoriser la dignité de la fonction électorale comme élément essentiel de l’intégrité du processus démocratique / While the fundamental and universal nature of a citizen’s right to participate in the electoral process through voting is no longer disputed in democracies, the degree of morality required for electoral capacity is still up for debate. Indeed, in many countries, felons are thought unworthy of participation in the democratic process and are thus systematically disenfranchised. However, the Constitutional Court of South Africa, the Supreme Court of Canada and the European Court of Human Rights have all, in recent years, invalidated legislation that provided for general and automatic disqualification of convicted felons. A comparative analysis of these rulings, paired with a study of historical evolution of the right to vote, reveals that what was once designed as a functional right, one primarily aimed at protecting democracy as an institution, is now perceived strictly as an individual right attached to one’s personal dignity. The shift from a right focused on its “subject” rather than its “object” has had unexpected consequences. The sanctification of the individual’s right has not only encroached on the government’s ability to limit the franchise, it has also undermined the collective values that are, as much as is the individual right to participate in the election, at the heart of democracy. This thesis proposes a number of solutions to the current imbalance between the two aspects of the right to vote, all aimed at preserving the individual dignity tied to the right to cast a ballot but also at promoting the electoral function, crucial to the integrity of the democratic process