The silence and invisibility of Puerto Rican soldiers in fictional and non-fictional representations of U.S. Wars has motivated me to look for alternative spaces in which these unaccounted voices and images are currently being produced, stored, circulated, and memorialized. Within this framework, my dissertation explores the self-representation of Puerto Rican servicemen and women in social networking sites (SNS), (i.e. as MySpace and Facebook), in user-generated content (UGC) platforms, (i.e. YouTube), and also in web memorials. I am interested in understanding how Puerto Rican soldiers self-represent their ethnonational identity online within the overlapping of second-class citizenship. The theoretical framework proposed for this research will apply theories such as 1) articulation; 2) the notion of contact zone; and 3) colonial/racial subjectivities. To complete this goal, my research method draws on online ethnography, textual, and critical discourse analysis. Firstly, I will discuss the limited repertoire of images of Puerto Rican soldiers in TV and film. My argument is that, besides the massive omission of this history, the images and motifs that do escape de facto social censorship will be in conversation with the self-representations. The second chapter is the result of four years of the process of online ethnography on which I analyze the instances of self-representation of Puerto Rican soldiers in SNS. My interest was seeing how those spaces were inflected by an ethnonational subjectivity. The third chapter explores the ways Puerto Rican soldiers, embedded in mash-up cultures, uses UGCs platforms to upload videos that transform the soldiers from passive consumers of images to active producers of content, which tend to disrupt dominant narratives of power. The last chapter explores the emergence of web memorials dedicated to the Puerto Rican soldiers. My main argument is that these instances of self- representation in online spaces are in conversation with the moments of silences and misrepresentations of Puerto Rican soldiers in traditional media, but also have become acts of enunciation in which the particular Puerto Ricanness of the Puerto Rican soldier is affirmed within complex, layered histories of imperialism, racism, heterosexism, and second-class citizenship. / text

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My thesis examines how metaphors of globalization shape the global governance of the Internet. I consider how, in a short span of time, discussions of the Internet’s globalizing potential have gone from the optimism of the global village to the penchant of the global marketplace to the anxiety of the global war on terror. Building upon Rorty’s theory of metaphors and Foucault’s notion of productive power, I investigate how the shifts in these prevailing metaphors have produced and legitimated different frameworks of global governance. In considering how these patterns of governance have been shaped in the context of a familiar example of globalization, I demonstrate that globalization has an important discursive dimension that works as a constitutive force – not only in Internet governance, but in global governance more generally. By illuminating globalization’s discursive dimensions, this thesis makes an original theoretical contribution to the study of globalization and global governance. It demonstrates that globalization is more than a set of empirical flows: equally important, globalization exists as a set of discourses that reconstitute political legitimacy in more ‘global’ terms. This recasts the conventional understanding of global governance: rather than a response to the challenges posed by the empirical transcendence of territorial borders or the visible proliferation of non-state actors, the aims, institutions and policies of global governance are shaped and enabled by discourses of globalization, and evolve as these discourses change. In short, this thesis provides further insight into globalization’s transformations of state-based political order. It links these transformations to the discursive processes by which systems of global governance are produced and legitimated as sites of power and authority.

The function of a journalist is not only to inform but also to investigate. Since the public has a right to information, jurists need to protect journalists that report from dangerous war-torn regions in order to keep the world informed. As the primary reliable source and often eyewitness to humanitarian atrocities a journalist has a duty to report such atrocities. There has for several decades now been uncertainty regarding the fact whether journalists should be granted special protection or not. On the one hand it is argued that journalists should be protected in terms of humanitarian law due to their humanitarian function, the service that they render in facilitating the free flow of information to the world and the role that journalists play in society. On the other hand, some argue that the protection of journalists is not the responsibility of the international community but rather their individual national governments or local news organisations. / Jurisprudence / LL.M.

This paper examines the different attitudes of the Republic of Korea (South Korea) and the United States of America with regards to the Kaesong Industrial Complex, a joint inter-Korean economic project located in the Democratic People's Republic of Korea (North Korea). The paper uses the theoretical framework of Social Constructivism to analyze the different ideas available in the political discourse of both actors with regards to North Korean policy in general and policy towards Kaesong specifically. The paper relates these ideas to the positions both actors have taken with regards to the inclusion of Kaesong products in the S. Korean-U.S. FTA.

Abstract The purpose of this thesis is to investigate the way George W. Bush used moral metaphors to intensify the language in his statements on Operation Iraqi Freedom. Three moral metaphors are presented within two different models that are applied on the data. The collected material for the metaphors is constituted of cognitive linguistic books from prominent linguists, such as George Lakoff, Alan Cruse and William Croft, and the data is collected from the official White House website. The scientific method used in this study has been qualitative text analysis where the hermeneutic approach has been an essential part of it. The main question: In what way did George W. Bush use moral metaphors in his statements to justify Operation Iraqi Freedom?, resulted in use of moral metaphors that sermons people’s moral values, depict Saddam Hussein’s characteristics as immoral, activate people’s moral priorities to help the Iraqi people, and addresses both conservatives and liberals in America. The conclusion of my study is that President Bush deliberately intensified the language in his statements through moral metaphors to justify Operation Iraqi Freedom. Keywords: Cognitive Linguistics, Metaphor, Figurative Language, Operation Iraqi Freedom, War on Terror, George W. Bush, Saddam Hussein, USA, Iraq, Qualitative Text Analysis, Hermeneutics.

This thesis is set out with the purpose to investigate the potential shifts in how victory is presented in the duration of contemporary conflicts. The argumentation is focused on how democratic states, involved in wars, seem to announce different statements regarding victory in its outreach to its inhabitants. This paper will study the case of the American administration of George W. Bush, who initiated and ruled during the first years in the Global War on Terror. By investigating the seven annual State of the Union speeches in a combined quantitative–qualitative method, with Martel’s theoretical framework on victory, the analysis searched after such potential shifts or static usage of the linguistics approach to victory. The answer to the stated research question according to the study conducted by this author is that the publicly announced implications of victory have been subjected to an ongoing shift during the examined time period.

The present work intends on analyzing the collection of communications and general data employed by public as well as private actors sustained during times of war on terror . In that regard, the issue of this research consists on conceiving an approach to account for those actors responsibility Nation-States along with private companies, both of which, in the context of law s internationalization and aided by the new information and communications technologies, violate Human Rights while claiming them to constitute antiterrorism strategies and policies. Concerning the methodology, classified as phenomenological-hermeneutical, it proceeds with a critical analysis of the International Criminal Court, Regional Justice Systems, and corresponding bibliography, aiming to diagnose what led the war on terror policies to shift towards the antagonist sentiment of a terror of war . Drawn from conclusion, the observed deviation seems to derive from the violations acted upon by the United States of America and its National Security Agency (NSA) which, while maintaining the pseudo-argument of war on terror , tampered communications between not only its own citizens and chiefs of government but also the ones from allied great powers. In accordance with that, and further critics that permeate the International Criminal Court since its creation, accused of being an eminently political entity in its decisions, ineffective in regards to the absence of coercion elements for its determinations, and even lacking in suitable answers to matters of global interest such as terrorism, drug traffic, and new rights transgressions derived from the internet network a revision of the Rome Statute is proposed upon the purpose of, if not to establish new crimes, provide a more autonomous concept of crimes against humanity against the ones of common violence. To that extension, the war on terror has been confirming some human rights freedom of communication and expression, and the right to privacy are also passive to non-violent restrictions. Therefore, it seems imperative to promote the dilation of the concept of crimes against humanity, howbeit being a juridical category, with the purpose as to encompass clandestine or covert violations which, in turn, are consistently promoted by the previously mentioned actors, Nation-States and private companies, namely Facebook and Google that respectively explore the social medias market and web search engines, just as well as VASTec, AT&T, and Amesys, specialized in mass communications interception. / A presente dissertação tem por escopo analisar o escrutínio de informações e comunicações praticado por atores públicos e privados em tempos de guerra ao terror . O problema de pesquisa se resume a pensar como é possível responsabilizar esses atores Estados-Nação e empresas do setor privado que, usando das facilidades técnicas proporcionadas pelas novas tecnologias de informação e comunicação, no contexto da internacionalização do direito, violam direitos humanos sob a justificativa de constituírem estratégias de políticas e práticas antiterror. No que diz respeito à metodologia, a pesquisa se classifica como fenomenológico-hermenêutica, procedendo-se com a análise crítica do Tribunal Penal Internacional e os Sistemas Regionais de Justiça, revisão e análises bibliográficas, no sentido de diagnosticar por que as políticas de guerra ao terror acabaram por se transvestir no antagônico sentimento de terror à guerra . Como efeito, a migração de um extremo a outro, ao que se concluiu, deriva especialmente das ações de violação praticadas pelos Estados Unidos da América e sua Agência Nacional de Segurança (NSA), que se valendo da pseudo-justificativa de guerra ao terror, violaram as comunicações de muitos cidadãos e chefes de Estado, inclusive os de potências aliadas. Em razão disso, bem como pelas demais críticas que, desde sua criação, ostenta o Tribunal Penal Internacional, acusado de ser um órgão eminentemente político, do ponto de vista de suas decisões, inefetivo, se analisada a ausência de elementos coercitivos ao cumprimento de suas determinações, e mesmo a falta de respostas adequadas a questões como de interesse global o terrorismo, tráfico de drogas e as novas formas de violação de direitos por meio da rede de computadores, por exemplo , é que se propõe a revisão do Estatuto de Roma para o fim de, senão criar novas espécies de tipos penais, ao menos autonomizar o conceito de crimes contra a humanidade de ações de violência típica. A política de guerra ao terror tem provado que alguns direitos humanos, tais qual o direito a comunicação e expressão e mesmo o direito à privacidade, também são passíveis de sofrerem restrições não violentas. Portanto, é fundamental que se promova o alargamento do conceito de crimes contra a humanidade enquanto categoria jurídica, para o fim de englobar também as violações ocorridas de maneira clandestina ou a paisana, diuturnamente executadas por atores tais como os Estados-Nação e mesmo empresas como Facebook e Google, que exploram, respectivamente, o mercado de redes sociais e de provedores de pesquisa, ou a VASTec, AT&T e Amesys, especializadas na interceptação de comunicações em massa.

[ES] La presente investigación aborda la noción de terrorismo en relación con sus formas de representación. Así, partimos del supuesto de que, en cuanto a terrorismo se refiere, lenguaje e imagen, realidad y representación, no funcionan como esferas separadas, sino como terrenos sólo aparentemente fronterizos que se solapan, interaccionan y se condicionan entre sí. Aquí nos servimos del 11-S como acontecimiento singular a través del cual desentrañar el relato que circunda la idea de terrorismo; un relato que ha hecho de la imagen su principal herramienta discursiva y de la ficción su estrategia propagandística más eficaz. En otras palabras, podríamos decir que la narración post-11-S del terrorismo se ha basado en la explotación sin paliativos de su representación simplificada, atribuyendo a sus imágenes unos significados previamente estipulados e imponiendo un modelo explicativo que abandona por completo el empirismo y el estudio racional de los hechos. Si tradicionalmente el concepto de terrorismo se había definido, tanto histórica como jurídicamente, a través de una pretendida ambigüedad, tras el 11-S se extremó su indeterminación, ampliándolo sustancialmente e incidiendo en su característica carga emotiva. Por todo ello, en esta tesis doctoral ofrecemos tres aproximaciones diferentes al concepto de terrorismo, enunciadas desde el intrincado nexo que su violencia establece con las técnicas de representación. En la primera parte, mediante un análisis comparativo del 11-S, definimos el terrorismo como una estrategia de violencia política con intenciones comunicativas y simbólicas. En la segunda parte, reflexionamos en torno a la confluencia de distintos estilos de relato, creados todos ellos con afán de desactivación del contrarrelato que la acción terrorista introduce, describiendo el terrorismo como constructo mediático y como concepto narrativo. Finalmente, en la tercera parte, tratamos la noción de terrorismo como un relato de exterioridad, generado para expulsar la violencia inherente al propio Estado fuera del orden político. Cabe mencionar que, aunque tomemos el 11-S como punto de partida y caso de estudio, esta investigación no se circunscribe exclusivamente a este acontecimiento, sino que aborda la especificidad de la violencia terrorista a través del análisis de sus formas de representación con vistas a la extracción de unas conclusiones generales. La metodología de esta investigación es, por lo tanto, inductiva y su perspectiva es de carácter transdisciplinar, combinando la investigación teórico-práctica en artes, con la indagación filosófica o jurídica. De ello se deriva que las conclusiones extraídas a lo largo de esta tesis doctoral vengan determinadas tanto por la reflexión teórica como por la propia práctica artística. / [CA] La present investigació adreça la noció de terrorisme en relació amb les seues formes de representació. Així, partim del suposat que, pel que fa a terrorisme, llenguatge i imatge, realitat i representació, no funcionen com esferes separades, sinó com terrenys sols aparentment fronterers que no deixen de superposar-se, interaccionar o condicionar-se entre si. Ací ens fem servir de l'11-S com esdeveniment singular a través del qual desentranyar el relat que circumda la idea de terrorisme; un relat que ha fet de la imatge la seua principal ferramenta discursiva i de la ficció la seua estratègia propagandística més eficaç. En altres paraules, podríem dir que la narració post-11-S del terrorisme s'ha basat en l'explotació sense pal·liatius de la seua representació simplificada, atribuint a les seues imatges uns significats prèviament estipulats i imposant un model explicatiu que abandona per complet l'empirisme i l'estudi racional dels fets. Si tradicionalment el concepte de terrorisme s'havia definit, tant històrica com jurídicament, a través d'una pretesa ambigüitat, després de l'11-S es va extremar la seua indeterminació, ampliant-lo substancialment i incidint en la seua característica càrrega emotiva. Per tot això, en aquesta tesi doctoral oferim tres aproximacions diferents del concepte de terrorisme, enunciades des de l'intrincat nexe que la seua violència estableix amb les tècniques de representació. En la primera part, mitjançant una anàlisi comparativa de l'11-S, definim el terrorisme com una estratègia de violència política amb intencions comunicatives i simbòliques. En la segona part, reflexionem al voltant de la confluència de diferents estils de relat, creats tots ells amb l'afany de desactivació del contrarrelat que l'acció terrorista introdueix, descrivint el terrorisme com constructe mediàtic i com concepte narratiu. Finalment, en la tercera part, tractem la noció de terrorisme com un relat d'exterioritat, generat per expulsar la violència inherent al mateix Estat fora de l'ordre polític. Cal fer menció que, tot i que prenem l'11-S com un punt de partida i cas d'estudi, aquesta investigació no se circumscriu exclusivament a aquest esdeveniment, sinó que adreça l'especificitat de la violència terrorista a través de l'anàlisi de les seues formes de representació amb vista a l'extracció d'unes conclusions generals. La metodologia d'aquesta investigació és, per tant, inductiva i la seua perspectiva és de caràcter transdisciplinari, combinant la investigació teòric-pràctica en arts, amb la indagació filosòfica i jurídica. D'això es deriva que les conclusions extretes al llarg d'aquesta tesi doctoral vinguen determinades tant per la reflexió teòrica com per la pròpia pràctica artística. / [EN] This research addresses the notion of terrorism in relation to its forms of representation. Thus, we start from the assumption that, as far as terrorism is concerned, language and image, as well as reality and representation do not function as separate spheres, but as only seemingly borderline terrains that overlap, interact, and condition each other. In this thesis we use 9/11 as a singular event through which to unravel the narrative that surrounds the concept of terrorism; a narrative that has transformed image into its main discursive tool and fiction into its most effective propaganda strategy. In other words, one might say that the post 9/11 narrative of terrorism has been based on the unmitigated exploitation of its simplified representation, attributing previously stipulated meanings to its images and imposing an explanatory model that completely abandons empiricism and the rational study of the facts. The concept of terrorism had traditionally already been defined, both historically and legally, through a pretended ambiguity; however, its indeterminacy became even more extreme after 9/11, expanding substantially and stressing its characteristic emotional charge. For all these reasons, in this doctoral thesis I offer three different approaches to the concept of terrorism, articulated on the basis of the intricate nexus that its violence establishes with representation techniques. In the first part, through a comparative analysis of 9/11, I define terrorism as a strategy of political violence with communicative and symbolic intentions. In the second part, I reflect on the confluence of different narrative styles, all created with the aim of deactivating the counter-narrative that terrorist action introduces, describing terrorism as a media construct and a narrative concept. Finally, in the third part, I deal with the notion of terrorism as a narrative of exteriority, generated to dissociate the violence inherent to the State itself from the political order. It is worth noting that, although we take 9/11 as a starting point and case study, this research is not limited exclusively to this event, as it also addresses the specificity of terrorist violence through the analysis of its forms of representation with a view to drawing general conclusions. Thus, the methodology of this research is inductive and its perspective is transdisciplinary in nature, combining theoretical-practical research in the arts with philosophical or even legal investigations. The conclusions drawn throughout this doctoral thesis are consequently determined both by theoretical reflection and by the artistic practice itself. / Rial Zamudio, S. (2022). Terrorismo: relato y contrarrelato. Un estudio teórico-práctico a partir del imaginario surgido tras el 11-S [Tesis doctoral]. Universitat Politècnica de València. https://doi.org/10.4995/Thesis/10251/181577 / TESIS

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