<p>This study considers the pedagogical significance of mourning and remembrance in the context of the commemorative culture surrounding the “9/11” attacks on America, which have stimulated recent explorations of what it might mean to commit to ethical remembrances of the dead. Critical of “9/11” memorial discourses that provide justifications for heightened “homeland” security and military mobilization in the “War on Terror,” this project not only addresses the educative force of memorial-artistic responses in creating meaning out of mass deaths, but also dissociates the concept of the public memorial as foremost an apparatus of the state, private corporations, and other institutions which seek to use memorials towards amnesiac or ideological objectives. Analyses of the memorial responses addressed in this project unpack how particular modes of remembering “9/11” and its victims are themselves reflections upon the meanings and objectives of collective remembrance. The project first explores the “September 11^th Families for Peaceful Tomorrows” organization and how it negotiates the ways public sentiment is mobilized “in the name of” victims and their families. Through an analysis of Art Spiegelman’s <em>In the Shadow of No Towers</em>,<em> </em>I examine the capacity of graphic narrative to bear witness to traumatic events and speak to their legacies in non-hegemonic ways. Lastly, the project explores how Samira Makhmalbaf’s film <em>God, Construction and Destruction</em> calls for the re-evaluation of strategic memorial practices that risk reducing “9/11” remembrance pedagogies to universalizing modes of remembrance that further subjugate already marginalized communities. Stimulated by such memorial responses that interrogate conventional practices and assumptions of collective remembrance, the project argues that the public remembrance of “9/11” is a crisis of and for education: that is, an important occasion to seek and call for modes of remembrance and sites of pedagogies that foster an openness to the critical and transformative force of historical trauma.</p> / Doctor of Philosophy (PhD)

The function of a journalist is not only to inform but also to investigate. Since the public has a right to information, jurists need to protect journalists that report from dangerous war-torn regions in order to keep the world informed. As the primary reliable source and often eyewitness to humanitarian atrocities a journalist has a duty to report such atrocities. There has for several decades now been uncertainty regarding the fact whether journalists should be granted special protection or not. On the one hand it is argued that journalists should be protected in terms of humanitarian law due to their humanitarian function, the service that they render in facilitating the free flow of information to the world and the role that journalists play in society. On the other hand, some argue that the protection of journalists is not the responsibility of the international community but rather their individual national governments or local news organisations. / Jurisprudence / LL.M.

No description available.

Thesis (MPhil (Political Science))--University 2010. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This dissertation’s primary focus is why torture is used when torture is not an effective means of gathering intelligence. To answer this question the argument for the use of torture, commonly known as the ticking time bomb argument, is discussed. Due to psychological and physiological processes during torture interrogation it was found that torture cannot be relied upon to deliver truthful information. Torture was also found to adversely affect the institutions that are needed for its establishment. After torture has been found to be of no utility in terms of the appropriation of information the question of why torture is still used is answered by means of discussing societal dynamics as well as the political process surrounding torture. On the societal front it was found that American public opinion towards torture is ambivalent. The reason for this includes a host of socio-psychological factors such as the in-group out-group bias as well the War on Terror as a political ideology in its own right. The notion that anybody is likely to torture is also explored by means of discussing the Milgram’s Obedience Experiment as well as the Stanford Prison Experiment. On the political front the notion that the abuses at Abu Ghraib and Guantanamo Bay were the work of a few bad apples is dispelled since it formed part of a deliberative political process that tried to make torture a legitimate foreign policy measure. The reason for the existence of this process is the failure of international and domestic checks and balances. On the international front U.S. unilateralism as foreign policy principle is cited as the reason for the ineffectiveness of international measures to stop torture. On the domestic front the permanent rally around the flag effect due to the permanent state of mobilization in the War on Terror is cited as the reason for the failure of domestic checks and balances. The lessons learnt from the research enables the creation of measures on how to stop torture even when it is found that the necessary political will is not present within the Obama administration. In the absence of political will it must be manufactured by means of the actions of civil society, the free press and the international community. It was found that the most effective means would be the creation of a committee of inquiry to create the political memory of the use of torture and how it was established. Additionally a memorial must be erected as well seeing that inquiries create political memories but they do not sustain it. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie tesis se fokus is om na te vors waarom marteling gebruik word as dit nie ‘n effektiewe wyse is om inligting in te win nie. Om hierdie vraagstuk te beantwoord word die argument vir die gebruik van marteling naamlik die tikkende-tydbom-argument bespreek. Asgevolg van sielkundige en fisiologiese prosesse tydens ondervragings wat gebruik maak van marteling kan daar nie op marteling staatgemaak word om die waarheid op te lewer nie. Dit was ook bevind dat marteling die instansies, wat nodig is vir die gebruik daarvan, op ‘n negatiewe wyse beïnvloed. Nadat daar vasgestel is dat marteling geen nutswaarde aangaande die inwinning van informasie bied nie word die vraagstuk waarom marteling steeds gebruik word beantwoord. Op die samelewingsvlak kan daar gestel word dat die Amerikaanse samelewing onseker is oor of marteling gebruik moet word al dan nie. Verskeie redes vir hierdie opinie word aangevoer waarvan die in-group out-group bias en die Oorlog teen Terreur as politieke ideologie slegs twee daarvan uitmaak. Dat enige persoon in staat is tot marteling onder die regte stel omstandighede word ook bespreek na aanleiding van die Milgram’s Obedience Experiement en die Stanford Prison Experiment. Op die politiese vlak is daar vasgestel dat die menseregteskendings in Abu Ghraib en Guantanamo Bay nie die werk was van slegs `n paar indiwidue was nie, maar deel uitmaak van ‘n doelbewuste politiese proses wat marteling as ‘n legitieme buitelandse beleidskwessie wil afmaak. Die rede waarom die beleidsproses bestaan kan toegeskryf word aan die mislukking van inter- en intranasionale wigte en teenwigte. Op die internasionale vlak kan daar gestel word dat die Verenigde State se unilateralistiese modus operandi die rede is vir die mislukking van internasionale maatreëls teen marteling. Op die intranasionale front kan daar gestel word dat die Amerikaanse publiek verkeer in ‘n permanent rally around the flagtoestand asgevolg van die permanent mobilisasie in die Oorlog teen Terreur. Uit die lesse wat geleer is uit die navorsing kan daadwerklike stappe gedoen word om die gebruik van marteling stop te sit alhoewel die Obama-administrasie se politiese wil ontbreek. Met die tekort aan politiese wil moet die politiese wil geskep word deur die burgerlik samelewing, the vrye pers asook die internasionale gemeenskap. Daar was gevind dat die mees effektiewe wyse om marteling stop te sit sal deurmiddel van ‘n kommissie van ondersoek wees. Die kommissie se doel sal wees om te bepaal hoe marteling tot stand gekom het en ‘n politiese herinnering te skep. Daar moet ook ‘n bykomende maatreël wees, naamlik die oprigting van ‘n monument aangesien kommissies van ondersoek politiese herinneringe skep maar nie in stand hou nie.

My thesis examines how metaphors of globalization shape the global governance of the Internet. I consider how, in a short span of time, discussions of the Internet’s globalizing potential have gone from the optimism of the global village to the penchant of the global marketplace to the anxiety of the global war on terror. Building upon Rorty’s theory of metaphors and Foucault’s notion of productive power, I investigate how the shifts in these prevailing metaphors have produced and legitimated different frameworks of global governance. In considering how these patterns of governance have been shaped in the context of a familiar example of globalization, I demonstrate that globalization has an important discursive dimension that works as a constitutive force – not only in Internet governance, but in global governance more generally. By illuminating globalization’s discursive dimensions, this thesis makes an original theoretical contribution to the study of globalization and global governance. It demonstrates that globalization is more than a set of empirical flows: equally important, globalization exists as a set of discourses that reconstitute political legitimacy in more ‘global’ terms. This recasts the conventional understanding of global governance: rather than a response to the challenges posed by the empirical transcendence of territorial borders or the visible proliferation of non-state actors, the aims, institutions and policies of global governance are shaped and enabled by discourses of globalization, and evolve as these discourses change. In short, this thesis provides further insight into globalization’s transformations of state-based political order. It links these transformations to the discursive processes by which systems of global governance are produced and legitimated as sites of power and authority.

Approved for public release, distribution is unlimited / This thesis compares the Western response to two radical challenges in eras considerably removed in time: the 1900-1901 Boxer rebellion in China and today's Islamic terror. It brings a much-needed historical perspective to bear in assessing the strengths and weaknesses of the contemporary Western conceptualization of the al-Qaeda and Taliban threat as a "clash of civilizations." It demonstrates that the current struggle against Islamic fundamentalism is not an altogether new challenge to Western interest and values. Al-Qaeda and the Taliban are in the end an expression of the same forces of resistance that also led to the origination of the Boxers in 19th century China. The cultural pressure that the West unavoidably developed by its imperialistic policy in the 19th and early 20th centuries was replaced by the penetration of the world with values, standards and symbols of the Western way of life and civilization in the course of globalization. The West ought to understand that the current terrorist threat is not "the next stage of history," as some scholars erroneously puts it, but a known historical phenomenon in a new form, for which neither the West nor other cultures bear the blame. / Major (GS), German Army

Ce mémoire traite de la portée de la protection constitutionnelle du droit à la vie privée informationnelle au Canada, au regard de la surveillance électronique gouvernementale à grande échelle des métadonnées des communications électroniques, à des fins de sécurité nationale. Il est soutenu, après une présentation de l’importance démocratique de la vie privée, de même que de la nature et de la portée de certaines activités gouvernementales de surveillance électronique, que le cadre d’analyse du « Biographical core », qui conditionne l’étendue de la protection de la vie privée informationnelle en droit constitutionnel canadien, est susceptible d’inclure les métadonnées des communications électroniques. Cette position est appuyée par un argumentaire juridique fondé sur les règles d’interprétation et la jurisprudence constitutionnelle pertinente. Cet argumentaire se trouve renforcé par potentiel considérablement révélateur des métadonnées, des particularités propres aux activités de surveillance électronique analysées, ainsi que des implications non-juridiques soulevées par ces dernières. / This master’s thesis focuses on the scope of the Canadian constitutional protection of the right to privacy, in view of the wide scale governmental electronic surveillance of electronic communications metadata, conducted for national security purposes. It is argued, following a detailed presentation of the nature and extent of certain specific governmental electronic surveillance activities, that the « Biographical core » analytical framework, governing the scope of the protection granted to informational privacy in Canadian constitutional law, is most likely applicable to electronic communications metadata. This position is directly supported by the relevant constitutional interpretation rules and cases. This is particularly true in light of the fact that metadata are, inherently, potentially significantly revealing, especially considering the capacities of an array of electronic surveillance activities, as well as the non-legal implications they entail for privacy.

O presente trabalho tem como objetivo analisar como os atentados de 11 de setembro de 2001 foram representados em uma série de histórias em quadrinhos (HQs) do Capitão América, escrita por John Ney Rieber e desenhada por John Cassaday, publicadas entre junho e dezembro de 2002, nos EUA. Essas HQs dialogam com diversos problemas que incomodavam a sociedade norte-americana no período pós-atentados como, por exemplo, os sentimentos de medo, insegurança, vingança e a recém-lançada Guerra ao Terror. Estes são discutidos e interpretados, partindo de dois pontos de vista diferentes, o do Capitão América e o dos terroristas, ou seja, as HQs procuraram expor as justificativas dos dois lados envolvidos. Elas expõem diversas críticas às ações bélicas dos Estados Unidos e também dos terroristas e têm um forte caráter pacifista. Além disso, divulgam uma mensagem de esperança pautada nas ideias do Sonho Americano, que deve ser entendido como uma força de união e mobilização nacional, visando à superação de todos os problemas causados pelos atentados de 11 de setembro / This study aims to analyze how the attacks of September 11, 2001 were represented in a series of Captain America comics, written by John Ney Rieber and drawn by John Cassaday, published between June and December 2002 in USA. These comics dialogue with various problems that bothered the American society in the post-attack period, for example, the feelings of fear, insecurity, revenge and the newly launched War on Terror. These are discussed and interpreted, from two different points of view, that of Captain America and the terrorists, in other words, the comics sought to expose the reasons on both sides involved. They expose several criticisms of the military actions of the United States and also the terrorists and have a strong pacifist character. Moreover, disseminate a message of hope ruled by ideas of the American Dream, which must be understood as a force for unity and national mobilization, aimed at overcoming all the problems caused by the September 11 attacks

O presente trabalho tem como objetivo analisar como os atentados de 11 de setembro de 2001 foram representados em uma série de histórias em quadrinhos (HQs) do Capitão América, escrita por John Ney Rieber e desenhada por John Cassaday, publicadas entre junho e dezembro de 2002, nos EUA. Essas HQs dialogam com diversos problemas que incomodavam a sociedade norte-americana no período pós-atentados como, por exemplo, os sentimentos de medo, insegurança, vingança e a recém-lançada Guerra ao Terror. Estes são discutidos e interpretados, partindo de dois pontos de vista diferentes, o do Capitão América e o dos terroristas, ou seja, as HQs procuraram expor as justificativas dos dois lados envolvidos. Elas expõem diversas críticas às ações bélicas dos Estados Unidos e também dos terroristas e têm um forte caráter pacifista. Além disso, divulgam uma mensagem de esperança pautada nas ideias do Sonho Americano, que deve ser entendido como uma força de união e mobilização nacional, visando à superação de todos os problemas causados pelos atentados de 11 de setembro / This study aims to analyze how the attacks of September 11, 2001 were represented in a series of Captain America comics, written by John Ney Rieber and drawn by John Cassaday, published between June and December 2002 in USA. These comics dialogue with various problems that bothered the American society in the post-attack period, for example, the feelings of fear, insecurity, revenge and the newly launched War on Terror. These are discussed and interpreted, from two different points of view, that of Captain America and the terrorists, in other words, the comics sought to expose the reasons on both sides involved. They expose several criticisms of the military actions of the United States and also the terrorists and have a strong pacifist character. Moreover, disseminate a message of hope ruled by ideas of the American Dream, which must be understood as a force for unity and national mobilization, aimed at overcoming all the problems caused by the September 11 attacks

<p>Essay in Political Science, Advanced Course, by Christoffer Hagström</p><p>“The Bush Administration´s view on international cooperation and international</p><p>law and political-theoretical traditions influence on the administration´s foreign</p><p>policy”</p><p>Supervisor: Jan Olsson</p><p>The purpose of this paper is to analyze the American foreign policy, particularly with regard to</p><p>international cooperation and international law. The two following research-questions are used in</p><p>order to fulfil the purpose: (1) what is the Bush-administrations´s view of of the place for</p><p>international cooperation and international law in American foreign policy?, and (2) how does the</p><p>administration´s foreign policy correspond to dominant political-theoretical thought-traditions? The</p><p>traditions used are: liberalism, realism and neoconservatism. The sources of the study mostly</p><p>include literature and policy-documents. The author conducts qualitative and quantitative content</p><p>analysis of the Bush-administration´s policy document National Security Strategy of the United</p><p>States from March 2006. First the document is summarized based on different criteria followed by</p><p>categorizations of ideas connected with realism, liberalism and neoconservatism in the document. In</p><p>the quantative analysis value-words that are appropriate for the various traditions is chosen. The</p><p>frequency of those words can be seen as indications of the influence of the traditions in the thoughts</p><p>of the Bush-administration, but is mostly seen as a complement to the qualtative analysis. The main</p><p>conclusions of the paper are that the Bush-administration most often wish to act according to</p><p>international law and to cooperate with other actors internationally in the long run, it may even be</p><p>necessary. In the short run however, it may act outside the parameters of international organizations</p><p>and international law in order to accomplish foreign policy-goals. Matters related to the security of</p><p>the American state and people is considered much more important than international cooperation</p><p>and law. Liberalism seems to be the tradition that has most affected the Bush-administration´s</p><p>foreign policy. It is followed shortly thereafter by realism and neoconservatism seems to have had</p><p>the least influence on the the thought-traditions. All of the them has been active in the making of the</p><p>foreign policy.</p>