Global ETD Search

131	Transnational Corporations and Human Rights : Assessing the position of TNCs within international human rights law, and the appropriateness of an international treaty on business and human rights Söderlund, Erik January 2018 (has links) Transnational corporations are playing an important role in the global economy of today. Many of these corporations have great economic resources and have the possibility of contributing to the development of societies in developing states. At the same time, in their search for profit, the activities of TNCs have proven fatal to some of the individuals employed by them, or otherwise in contact with their activities. Within the international legal framework, corporations are not traditionally treated as subjects and if a TNC allocates its production to a state with lax human rights protection, no binding international standards exist to regulate the conduct of the corporation. In my thesis I will assess the position of TNCs under the present core human rights instruments and soft law initiatives. I will also analyze a draft treaty text produced by the Intergovernmental Working Group on Business and Human Rights, released in July 2018, to reach a conclusion on whether such an instrument would affect the international legal status of TNCs and provide a more robust protection of international human rights. Human rights corporation corporations transnational corporation transnational corporations business businesses TNC TNCs treaty law draft treaty intergovernmental woking group United Nations Bhopal Rana Plaza international law Ruggie John Ruggie Ruggie pricniples pillar labour labour law labour rights CSR Corporate social responsibility guiding principles UN global compact global compact ILO jus cogens customary law OECD ICCPR ICESCR state-centrism Bilateral investment treaty ILC WTO World trade organization International law commission legal personality företag mänskliga rättigheter traktat traktaträtt juridisk person folkrätt internationell rätt FN Förenta Nationerna Ruggie Jhon Ruggie Arbetsrätt Globala målen företagspolicy Amnesty International Human Rights Watch Law (excluding Law and Society)
132	Les écoles d' horlogerie de Besançon : une contribution décisive au développement industriel local et régional (1793-1974) / The Besancon watchmaking schools Briselance, Claude 28 October 2015 (has links) L’Histoire des écoles d’horlogerie de Besançon est inhérente à la naissance et à la continuité d’une industrie spécifique très localisée sur un territoire. Avec elles nous partons de l’ère « proto-industrielle » qui plonge ses racines dans les idéaux révolutionnaires de 1793 pour aboutir aux bouleversements technologiques de l’électronique et du « quartz » des années 1970… S’inscrivant sur la longue durée, trois « écoles » vont se succéder. Pour répondre aux attentes d’une industrie horlogère qui doit constamment faire face aux évolutions techniques, chacune à sa manière, va innover pour constituer un « corpus » original de formation qui n’est pas sans bousculer les rites et usages du temps. Si les deux premières « écoles » eurent une durée de vie limitée, la dernière entité, née en 1861 de la volonté municipale, va pendant plus d’un siècle, accompagner toute une ville (et sa région) dans sa réussite industrielle. Dès sa création, et au fur et à mesure des adaptations qu’elle a su mettre en place, par la qualité et la spécificité des formations dispensées, elle va irriguer de ses élèves toute une industrie toujours à l’affût de personnels qualifiés. Au plan national elle va diffuser le nom de Besançon comme « capitale française de l’horlogerie » en formant nombre d’horlogers-rhabilleurs tenant boutiques et autres ateliers de réparation par tout le territoire… Elle va servir de référence pour implanter dans la Cité des laboratoires de recherche et d’enseignement supérieur : un Observatoire chronométrique, une École d’ingénieurs, un Centre d’études horlogères et de développement industriel (Cétéhor)… Elle va contribuer à la diversification industrielle de la ville dans des domaines connexes à l’horlogerie, notamment dans le découpage, la micromécanique, l’appareillage et les microtechniques… Nationalisée en 1891, elle fait dès lors partie de la petite élite des Écoles Nationales Professionnelles (par assimilation), qui vont marquer le développement industriel du Pays. En 1933, quand elle intègre ses nouveaux locaux, par le nombre et l’originalité de ses filières (de l’ouvrier qualifié à l’ingénieur), par sa dotation en matériels modernes, elle est signalée comme étant le « premier établissement de l’enseignement technique » en France. Le cheminement de cette dernière école fait aussi ressortir une histoire « humaine », « prosopographique », qui met en exergue les nombreux anciens élèves qui se sont lancés avec grande réussite dans la création d’entreprises. Restés fidèles à leur école, ils ont contribué au renom et au développement de la richesse économique de la cité et de sa région… Avec ces écoles d’horlogerie, on aborde enfin l’histoire de l’Enseignement Technique en France. Pour répondre à la demande d’une industrie horlogère en pleine croissance qui déplorait les carences de l’apprentissage en atelier, elles ont été pionnières en ouvrant la voie de « la scolarisation » de la formation professionnelle. Par leurs innovations pédagogiques, et soutenues par les Anciens Élèves, elles ont su établir un lien « École-Entreprise » des plus fructueux qui marque encore la mémoire collective des Bisontins…En 1974 elle perd toute référence à l’horlogerie pour devenir le Lycée Jules Haag. Le temps de l’histoire est désormais advenu pour tenter de comprendre ce qui a fait la force et la réussite de ces « Écoles d’horlogerie » dans leur participation active, sur la durée, à la prospérité économique et industrielle d’une ville et de sa région… / The history of the watchmaking schools in Besançon is part of the birth and continuous development of a specific industry in a very limited sector of the French territory. When studying those schools we start at the « protoindustrial » time with its roots in the revolutionary ideals of 1793 and end up with the technological upheavals of electronics and the « quartz » technology in the 1970s. Three « schools » followed one another over the long term. Each school aimed at satisfying the demands of a watchmakng industry confronted to rapidly changing technical evolutions ; so it innovated in its own way by creating an original « corpus » in the students training and most of the time upset the practices and common ideas of the time. If the first two « schools » had a limited lifespan, the last one created in 1861 by the town council itself has been supporting the industrial growth of the city and the surrounding region. Since its foundation it has stuck to the industrial reality by placing the emphasis on high standards and opening new specific branches whenever necessary, thus answering the needs of firms always looking for highly qualified staff. For a large number of French people Besançon became the « capital town of the watchmaking industry » thanks to the shops or repair workshops kept by Besançon-trained former students all over France… It served as a background to set up research and university laboratories in the city : Observatoire Chronométrique, Ecole d’Ingénieurs, Centre d’Etudes Horlogères et de Développement Industriel (Cétéhor)… It contributed to the industrial diversification of the town in fields related to watchmaking such as mechanical cutting, micromechanics, equipment and microtechniques. It was nationalized in 1891 and then belonged to the very small elite goup of the Professional National Schools that influenced the future industrial development of the country. In 1933 it moved into sparkling-new premises and was acknowledged as the flagship of technical education in France : it offered a large number of innovating courses ranging from the skilled worker to the engineer and was granted the latest equipments in every field. The path of this new school also enhanced a « humane » and « prosopographical » history ; it highlighted the part played by the numerous former students who created their own successful businesses. Being faithful to their old school they contributed to the renown and economic growth and prosperity of the city and its region… Beyond the local impact we must regard the history of the watchmaking schools as an important part of the history of Technical Education in France. To meet the needs of a soaring watchmaking industry they opened the way to the transfer of professional training from apprenticeship in workshops with its observed shortcomings to education in technical high schools. Their pedagogical innovations, the strong support of their former students created a vital school-business link that still lives on in the collective memory of the town inhabitants.In 1974 its name changed to Lycée Jules Haag thus losing any reference to watchmaking. Let us now try and understand the strong influence and success of those watchmaking schools, the active part they played in the economic industrial prosperity of a town and its surrounding region… Acteurs Anciens élèves Appareillage Apprentissage Atelier-École Besançon Bijoutiers Cétéhor Chronométrie Collège Technique Contrôle et régulation Découpage mécanique Développement industriel Diplômes Directeurs Doubs École Municipale d’horlogerie École Nationale d’horlogerie École Nationale professionnelle Élèves Enseignement Technique Formation professionnelle Franche-Comté Horlogers Ingénieurs Internat Institut de Chronométrie Lycée Technique Manufacture horlogère Mécaniciens de précision Montres Micromécanique Microtechniques Nationalisation Observatoire chronométrique Occupation Œuvre de Saint-Joseph Petite mécanique de précision Praticiens Professeurs Techniques Programmes Révolution Scolarisation des apprentissages Service du Travail Obligatoire Techniciens Actors Apprenticeship Besançon Cetehor Chronometricobservatory Chronometry Compulsory labor organisation Control and regulation Diplomas Doubs Engineers Equipment Former students Franche-Comté Industrial developmet Institut of chronometry Jewellers Mechanical cutting Micromechanics Microtechnical Municipal watchmaking school Nationalization National watchmatching school Occupatiion Precission mechanics Professional national school Professional training Program Residential scholl Revolution St-Joseph institute School directors Schooling of the learning Secondary technical college Small precision mechanics Students Swiss immigration Technical education Technical high school Technical professors Technicians Watches Watchmakers Watch manufacture Workshop-School
133	Ethnonyms in the place-names of Scotland and the Border counties of England Morgan, Ailig Peadar Morgan January 2013 (has links) This study has collected and analysed a database of place-names containing potential ethnonymic elements. Competing models of ethnicity are investigated and applied to names about which there is reasonable confidence. A number of motivations for employment of ethnonyms in place-names emerge. Ongoing interaction between ethnicities is marked by reference to domain or borderland, and occasional interaction by reference to resource or transit. More superficial interaction is expressed in names of commemorative, antiquarian or figurative motivation. The implications of the names for our understanding of the history of individual ethnicities are considered. Distribution of Walh-names has been extended north into Scotland; but reference may be to Romance-speaking feudal incomers, not the British. Briton-names are confirmed in Cumberland and are found on and beyond the fringes of the polity of Strathclyde. Dumbarton, however, is an antiquarian coining. Distribution of Cumbrian-names suggests that the south side of the Solway Firth was not securely under Cumbrian influence; but also that the ethnicity, expanding in the tenth century, was found from the Ayrshire coast to East Lothian, with the Saxon culture under pressure in the Southern Uplands. An ethnonym borrowed from British in the name Cumberland and the Lothian outlier of Cummercolstoun had either entered northern English dialect or was being employed by the Cumbrians themselves to coin these names in Old English. If the latter, such self-referential pronouncement in a language contact situation was from a position of status, in contrast to the ethnicism of the Gaels. Growing Gaelic self-awareness is manifested in early-modern domain demarcation and self-referential naming of routes across the cultural boundary. But by the nineteenth century cultural change came from within, with the impact felt most acutely in west-mainland and Hebridean Argyll, according to the toponymic evidence. Earlier interfaces between Gaelic and Scots are indicated on the east of the Firth of Clyde by the early fourteenth century, under the Sidlaws and in Buchan by the fifteenth, in Caithness and in Perthshire by the sixteenth. Earlier, Norse-speakers may have referred to Gaels in the hills of Kintyre. The border between Scotland and England was toponymically marked, but not until the modern era. In Carrick, Argyll and north and west of the Great Glen, Albanians were to be contrasted, not necessarily linguistically, from neighbouring Gaelic-speakers; Alba is probably to be equated with the ancient territory of Scotia. Early Scot-names, recorded from the twelfth century, similarly reflect expanding Scotian influence in Cumberland and Lothian. However, late instances refer to Gaelic-speakers. Most Eireannach-names refer to wedder goats rather than the ethnonym, but residual Gaelic-speakers in east Dumfriesshire are indicated by Erisch-names at the end of the fifteenth century or later. Others west into Galloway suggest an earlier Irish immigration, probably as a consequence of normanisation and of engagement in Irish Sea politics. Other immigrants include French estate administrators, Flemish wool producers and English feudal subjects. The latter have long been discussed, but the relationship of the north-eastern Ingliston-names to mottes is rejected, and that of the south-western Ingleston-names is rather to former motte-hills with degraded fortifications. Most Dane-names are also antiquarian, attracted less by folk memory than by modern folklore. The Goill could also be summoned out of the past to explain defensive remains in particular. Antiquarianism in the eighteenth century onwards similarly ascribed many remains to the Picts and the Cruithnians, though in Shetland a long-standing supernatural association with the Picts may have been maintained. Ethnicities were invoked to personify past cultures, but ethnonyms also commemorate actual events, typified by Sasannach-names. These tend to recall dramatic, generally fatal, incidents, usually involving soldiers or sailors. Any figures of secular authority or hostile activity from outwith the community came to be considered Goill, but also agents of ecclesiastical authority or economic activity and passing travellers by land or sea. The label Goill, ostensibly providing 178 of the 652 probable ethnonymic database entries, is in most names no indication of ethnicity, culture or language. It had a medieval geographical reference, however, to Hebrideans, and did develop renewed, early-modern specificity in response to a vague concept of Scottish society outwith the Gaelic cultural domain. The study concludes by considering the forms of interaction between ethnicities and looking at the names as a set. It proposes classification of those recalled in the names as overlord, interloper or native. 914.11

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