This thesis takes examples from villager’s experiences of change, how they perceive it and how they imagine their futures. The poor are often portrayed as passive recipients of change rather than agents of it and this thesis is a challenge to that. In-depth ethnography and life course analysis help us understand the meanings attached to people’s own experiences of change and illustrate that villagers are not merely ‘forgetting their feet’ (veuaa leum dteen- cows forget their feet, Thai proverb) in a teleological manner but are negotiating adverse structures to provide security and family wellbeing.<br /> An actor oriented approach is used as it highlights experiences of change and reactions to it whilst also taking into account the adverse political economy and imperfect institutional landscape. Changes that have been happening in one village in North-eastern Thailand are described and the failure of collective forms of resistance to provide adequate security is analysed. The rest of the thesis then goes on to look at change through individual and household strategies. Cohort analysis is used to explore differences in generations. An individual life course approach is then used to show how people strategise for their present and future wellbeing. Intergenerational analysis is also used to understand the bargaining between generations. Findings show the intergenerational contract is not only flexible but is also being re-worked to better fit the changes in society, not necessarily breaking down. Families are evolving and are finding new ways to keep bargains whilst also taking advantage of new identities and lifestyles. Findings show the active negotiation of the rural poor as agents of change; this change is dependent on place and the life course and sometimes entails large tradeoffs but seen in the wider context is supporting the reproduction and survival of families and rural values. <br /> I argue that perceived ideological similarities between families and the state that families should provide their own welfare without dependency is lessening pressure on the state to increase state welfare. However, there are differences between state ‘sufficiency economy’ versions of welfare and what poor families need. Pressure is building for better welfare, but it needs to be done in a way that facilitates and strengthens family provision.

The dominant civic engagement literature has focused on the many positive outcomes that stem from leading an active associational life, linking it to lower crime rates, economic growth and a healthy democracy. However, it has been less effective at recognizing how much of a dependent variable civic engagement actually is, exploring what shapes it and how. Yet, in light of its centrality to the democratic process and the benefits that accrue from strong, active communities, it is important to understand what shapes civic engagement to establish who is in a better position to participate and why. Drawing on personal interviews with single mothers, policy analyses, and World Values and ISSP survey data, this dissertation explores how inequality and the state shape civic engagement. The findings underscore the impact of class- and status-based inequalities on civic engagement, focusing on women as a case study. Women’s dual roles as caregivers in the home and paid workers in the labour market contribute to the gender gap in participation. However, the presence of children is linked to higher levels of participation for women, and parent-, child- and care-related groups are found to build trust, foster a sense of community, and act as a catalyst for civic involvement. The thesis also highlights the extent to which the state structures citizenship and participation, focusing on welfare regimes as case studies. It develops theories that test the effect of interventionism, egalitarianism and statism on the civic engagement levels of welfare regime-types. The findings suggest that while egalitarian policies may help reduce the impact of inequality on civic life, comprehensive social policies alone do not necessarily lead to more active societies. The way political authority is structured can have a deep impact on civic habits, and creating openings and opportunities for citizens to participate can inspire collective action.

The dominant civic engagement literature has focused on the many positive outcomes that stem from leading an active associational life, linking it to lower crime rates, economic growth and a healthy democracy. However, it has been less effective at recognizing how much of a dependent variable civic engagement actually is, exploring what shapes it and how. Yet, in light of its centrality to the democratic process and the benefits that accrue from strong, active communities, it is important to understand what shapes civic engagement to establish who is in a better position to participate and why. Drawing on personal interviews with single mothers, policy analyses, and World Values and ISSP survey data, this dissertation explores how inequality and the state shape civic engagement. The findings underscore the impact of class- and status-based inequalities on civic engagement, focusing on women as a case study. Women’s dual roles as caregivers in the home and paid workers in the labour market contribute to the gender gap in participation. However, the presence of children is linked to higher levels of participation for women, and parent-, child- and care-related groups are found to build trust, foster a sense of community, and act as a catalyst for civic involvement. The thesis also highlights the extent to which the state structures citizenship and participation, focusing on welfare regimes as case studies. It develops theories that test the effect of interventionism, egalitarianism and statism on the civic engagement levels of welfare regime-types. The findings suggest that while egalitarian policies may help reduce the impact of inequality on civic life, comprehensive social policies alone do not necessarily lead to more active societies. The way political authority is structured can have a deep impact on civic habits, and creating openings and opportunities for citizens to participate can inspire collective action.

This thesis compares political constructions of migrants across different welfare regime types, based on Esping-Andersen’s (1999) Three worlds of welfare capitalism. Previous comparative research into welfare regimes has not included the Social Democratic regime, leaving a gap to further explore and clarify. This paper does so by examining the relationship between welfare regime type, national identity and constructions of migrants in a Social democratic regime and a Liberal one. The central question is: how do different welfare regime types construct migrants in policy debate? To answer this, this study applied a modified version of Carol Bacchi’s ‘What’s the Problem Represented to be?’ analytical framework to parliamentary debate in a Social Democratic regime (Sweden) and a Liberal one (the UK) and then compared the results. This approach focused on implicit representations of problems. Results showed that threat construction around migration in both cases conforms to Esping-Andersen’s (1999) regime models, fitting well with institutional theory and welfare chauvinism.

Syftet med denna studie är att analysera attityder till migration bland 15 europeiska länder år 2014/15 och undersöka vilka faktorer som kan förklara dessa skillnader. Detta genom att undersöka om attitydskillnader till migration kan förklaras av faktorer som utbildningsgrad och ekonomisk situation samt om dessa attitydskillnader kan förklaras i relation till välfärdsregimer. Baserad på data från European Social Survey Round 7, analyseras sambandet mellan attityder till migration bland länderna genom att bryta ner begreppet ”migrationsattityder” i tre aspekter; attityder avseende vilken grad människor får komma att bo i landet, attityder avseende kvalifikationer hos människor som kommer att få bo i landet och till sist attityder avseende om människor gynnar landet de tar sig till. Sambandet analyseras genom både linjär- och multipel regressionsanalys. Resultatet visar att länder som tillhör den socialdemokratiska välfärdsregimerna uppvisar mer positiva migrationsattityder i förhållande till resterande välfärdsregimer, vilket skulle kunna förklaras av deras höga grad av socialt stöd och låg social skiktning. Bland de konservativa- och liberala välfärdsregimerna är kvalifikationer hos människor som kommer till dessa länder av vikt, men att de konservativa välfärdsregimerna visar på högre solidaritetsnivåer avseende migrationsattityder. De öst- och centraleuropeiska välfärdsregimerna uppvisar mest negativa migrationsattityder i jämförelse med resterande välfärdsregimer. Vilket skulle kunna förklaras av dess låga solidaritetsnivå för immigranter som länder av den öst- och centraleuropeiska välfärdsregimen innehar. Detta i enlighet med tidigare studier. Avslutningsvis uppvisar studien att fler faktorer bör undersökas för att söka förklaring av attitydskillnader till migration, då resultatet indikerar att dessa skillnader inte ensamt kan förklaras utifrån välfärdsregimer. / The aim of this study is to analyze attitudes towards migration among 15 European countries in the year of 2014/15 and examine which factors that may explain these differences. This by examining whether attitude differences towards migration can be explained by economic and educational factors and additionally, if these differences can be explained in relation to welfare regimes. Based on data conducted by European Social Survey Round 7, this paper analyzes the correlation between attitudes towards migration among the countries by dividing the term “migration attitudes” into three aspects; attitudes concerning to what extent the country should allow people to come and live in the country, attitudes concerning how important qualifications of the people that come to live in the country and finally attitudes concerning if people that come to live in the country benefit the country in some way. The correlation is analyzed by using both linear and multiple regression. The results show that countries belonging to the Social Democratic regime show more positive migration attitudes in relation to the remaining welfare regimes, which tend to be explained by their high degree of social support and low social stratification. Both the Conservative and Liberal welfare regimes indicate that qualifications of the people that come to live in the country are important, although the Conservative welfare regimes tend to show a higher degree of solidarity for immigrants. The East and Central European welfare regimes show the most negative migration attitudes in relation to the remaining welfare regimes, which can be explained by the low degree of solidarity for immigrants in accordance with previous studies. In conclusion the study shows that more factors should be examined to seek explanation of attitude differences towards migration, as the result indicate that these differences can not solely be explained by welfare regimes.

Abstract This study used policy argument analysis method to analyze pension policy development in Taiwan, Hong Kong and Singapore, based on the perspective of simple democratic model to discuss the influence of democratization¡¦s influence on East-Asia social welfare policy. The conclusion of this study shows that global economic competition help to promote the pension systems that encourage workfare. The research result also meets to those former researches conclusions of East Asian Productivtist Welfare Regime. In the other hand, due to highly politic at party competition and vivid development of civil society, however, governments of Taiwan and Singapore have compromised to consolidate and increase their pension policies. Conversely, Hong Kong, due to politics-led government, there was the most unequal distributing condition in its pension policy. In the cases of Taiwan, Hong Kong and Singapore, we have found the influence of democratic development on welfare policy in a globalization era is meaningful. According to the conclusion of this research, democratic development should be define as a key factor of welfare regime typology in East Asia, to differentiate divergent types of states of East Asian productivitist regime. And two key points of democratization¡¦s influence in East Asia should be noticed: 1. Legal freedom of expression and publication can make social welfare issues to be disputatious in the civil society. 2. Party competition will lead social security plans to be realized, because of the desires of politicians to win votes. Keywords: simple democratic model, pension system, provident fund, East-Asia welfare regime.

This dissertation seeks to evaluate how Central and Eastern European (CEE) countries develop state under the conditions of liberal democracy and membership of the European Union (EU). The issues of quality of democracy and governance of postcommunist states are analysed through lenses of welfare politics. The main attention is paid to Baltic countries. The main method applied in dissertation is a qualitative comparison of several (similar) cases. In the first part of dissertation “middle-range” theories are observed, which allows to understand the general patterns of development of postcommunist countries. Distinction of modern and patronage states is established, which is best seen comparing CEE liberal democracies vis-à-vis postsoviet dictatorships. In the second part of dissertation these general patterns are analysed only at the level of CEE countries. It is established that the distinction of modern and patronage states to some extent also replicates among CEE countries themselves, and also among Baltic countries. By many important parameters indicating the level of state capacities Estonia distinguishes itself from other Baltic countries. In the third part, comparative research is focussed at the maximum. One analyses the development of healthcare – the core welfare policy – in the Baltic region. It is established that there are significant differences among Baltic countries in timing, speed and achieved results of healthcare reforms, which also has important... [to full text] / Šia disertacija siekiama įvertinti, kaip Vidurio ir Rytų Europos (VRE) šalims sekasi vystyti valstybę liberaliosios demokratijos ir narystės ES sąlygomis. Į pokomunistinių valstybių valdymo ir demokratijos kokybės problemas šioje disertacijoje žvelgiama pirmiausia per gerovės politikos prizmę. Didžiausias dėmesys skiriamas Baltijos šalims. Disertacijoje taikomas metodas – kokybinis kelių (panašių) atvejų lyginimas. Pirmojoje disertacijos dalyje apžvelgiamos „vidutinio nuotolio“ teorijos, kurios leidžia suprasti pokomunistinių šalių gerovės režimų raidos bendrąsias tendencijas. Nustatoma modernių ir patronažinių valstybių skirtis, kuri ryškiausiai matyti tarp VRE liberaliųjų demokratijų ir posovietinių diktatūrų. Toliau, antrojoje disertacijos dalyje, šios bendrosios tendencijos analizuojamos tik VRE šalių lygmeniu. Nustatoma, kad modernių ir patronažinių valstybių skirtis tam tikru mastu atsikartoja VRE regione ir taip pat tarp Baltijos šalių. Estija iš kitų Baltijos šalių išsiskiria daugeliu svarbių valstybės gebėjimų parametrų. Trečiojoje dalyje, lyginamasis tyrimas maksimaliai sufokusuojamas. Nagrinėjama sveikatos apsaugos – kertinės gerovės politikos – raida Baltijos šalyse. Nustatoma, kad sveikatos apsaugos reformos laikas, tempas ir pasiekti rezultatai reikšmingai skiriasi tarp Baltijos šalių, ir tai turi svarbių implikacijų šių valstybių raidai.

Segregation refers to the uneven spatial distribution of social groups over space. Segregation can be perceived as the spatial representation of social, cultural, and economic exclusion. There is no accepted standard way segregation is measured; instead, studies have used a wide range of methods, measurements, and indices to estimate levels of segregation. Existing studies are seldomly longitudinal in character, mostly because of lack of data, and have only been conducted until 2010 for Stockholm. The aim of this thesis is to investigate trends of residential poverty segregation in Stockholm County for the period 1991-2016. This study has utilized the isolation index, the dissimilarity index, percentile plots and location quotients on data aggregated to both administrative units and individualized neighborhoods on multiple scales to assess how these common techniques influence results. Results show that segregation patterns vary depending on technique, but most results indicate increasing levels of segregation of individuals at risk of poverty for the period 1991-2011, in line with previous research. On the other hand, the results indicate stagnating or decreasing levels of poverty segregation in recent years. Poverty segregation varies substantially by scale level, and therefore this thesis recommends multiscalar methods in segregation studies.

Mémoire numérisé par la Division de la gestion de documents et des archives de l'Université de Montréal.

A crise da PrevidÃncia Social configura atualmente uma das maiores preocupaÃÃes das naÃÃes. Os dÃficits dos sistemas previdenciÃrios pÃblicos estÃo a exigir dos Governos o repensar da estrutura e do regime de financiamento como imperativo para assegurar a solvÃncia dos mesmos. Esta dissertaÃÃo traz uma breve discussÃo sobre aspectos teÃricos relacionados ao regime de financiamento e, especificamente, sobre aspectos histÃricos e legais da PrevidÃncia Social brasileira, procurando destacar os impactos de variÃveis macroeconÃmicas e demogrÃficas que modelam o regime de repartiÃÃo simples como forma de financiar o sistema, apontando, na seqÃÃncia da anÃlise, os objetivos das reformas constitucionais de 1998 e 2003, as quais, embora nÃo tenham ocasionado uma mudanÃa estrutural do regime de financiamento, promoveram alteraÃÃes na legislaÃÃo previdenciÃria brasileira que visam tornar o Regime Geral de PrevidÃncia Social viÃvel no horizonte de longo prazo. / Nowadays the crisis of the Social Welfare is a major concern worldwide. The deficits of social security state systems are to demand rethinking of the structure of the Governments and of the financing regime as imperative to assure the solvency of the same ones. This dissertation brings a brief discussion on theoretical aspects related to the financing regime and, specifically, on historical and legal aspects of the Brazilian Social Welfare trying to highlight the impacts of macro-economical and demographical variables that they make the Pay-As-You-Go as form of financing the system, pointing, in the sequence of the analysis, the objectives of the one of the constitutional reforms of 1998 and 2003, the ones which, although they have not caused a structural change of the financing regime, they promoted changes in the Brazilian legislation system that they seek to turn the General Social Welfare Regime make feasible in a long-term run.