Made available in DSpace on 2015-10-19T11:50:21Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 lima2012.pdf: 958612 bytes, checksum: a75cedf8ce6b789516761325b817ce82 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2012-02-14 / Metaphor was understood just as a kind of ornament used in the Poetics and Rhetoric, and not recommended for scientific discourse. From the year 1970, established itself as an extensive system of mental categorization, automatic, largely unconscious, used in everyday life and also in international relations. After the rise of Wikileaks, a site dedicated to publishing documents leaked by sources within companies or governments, created by the australian hacker Julian Assange, terms such as terrorism, cyberactivists and paranoid have been used to describe Assange, as well as terrorist organization, to WikiLeaks, which serves the purposes of those who do not want leaks to occur and more documents to be revealed, connecting his image to that of an enemy combatant, a subversive, and even a target for killing. But Wikileaks can benefit from this image, it should make it a place of ultimate challenge: anyone who has an interest in leaking classified documents knows where to turn. Within this perspective, we intend to investigate the frames that are related to Julian Assange and the WikiLeaks / Metáfora era entendida apenas como uma espécie de ornamento, utilizada no âmbito da Poética e da Retórica, e não recomendada para o discurso científico. A partir dos anos 1970, consolidou-se como um sistema de categorização mental extenso, automático, em boa parte inconsciente, utilizado no dia a dia e também nas relações internacionais. Após o surgimento do WikiLeaks, um site dedicado à publicação de documentos vazados por fontes dentro de empresas ou governos, criado pelo hacker australiano Julian Assange, termos como terrorista, ciberativista, paranoico e ciberguerrilheiro foram usados para descrever Assange, assim como organização terrorista, ao WikiLeaks, o que serve aos propósitos de quem não quer que mais vazamentos ocorram e mais documentos sejam revelados, ao ligar à sua pessoa a imagem de um combatente inimigo, de um subversivo, e até mesmo de um alvo a ser eliminado. Mas o WikiLeaks pode se beneficiar dessa imagem, pois faria de si um lugar de contestação por excelência: qualquer pessoa que tenha interesse em vazar documentos sigilosos comprometedores saberia a quem recorrer. Dentro dessa perspectiva, pretende-se investigar o enquadramento sugerido a partir de discursos relacionados a Julian Assange e ao WikiLeaks

Uppsatsens syfte är att undersöka hur Wikileaks agerande porträtteras i svensk dagspress, om skribenterna tar ställning för eller emot Wikileaks samt om porträtteringen har förändrats efter anklagelserna mot dess talesman Julian Assange.Vi analyserar tio ledarartiklar, framtagna genom ett obundet slumpmässigt urval som publicerats i Svenska Dagbladet och Dagens Nyheter under år 2010. Vår teoretiska ram bygger på Lars Nords teori om ledarartiklar, Baldwin van Gorp och Gaye Tuchmans teorier om framing samt Allan Grahams teorier om intertextualitet. Vår metod är en retorisk analys, kompletterat med en komparativ studie i före och efter anklagelserna.Undersökningen visar att Wikileaks porträtteras i svensk dagspress som en organisation vilken måste ta sitt ansvar. Majoriteten av ledarskribenterna tar ingen tydlig ställning för eller emot Wikileaks. Med undantag för två artiklar vars skribenter tydligt uttrycker sina åsikter. Det urskiljs ingen tydlig skillnad mellan artiklarna före och efter anklagelserna, dock visar de senare artiklarna en mer kritisk hållning mot Wikileaks.I porträtteringen av Wikileaks är det inte organisationens existens som debatteras utan snarare dess konsekvenser, ageranden och vem som bär det publicistiska ansvaret för det material som läcks.

As institutional and professional journalism faces increasing uncertainty about its financial security and social influence, it is also being challenged by emerging forms of networked journalism that rely on open, network-based flows of information. In 2010, one of those networked groups, WikiLeaks, rose to prominence through a series of large, high-profile leaks of government information. Drawing on the concepts of paradigm repair and professional boundary work, this study examined the way numerous professional news organizations portrayed WikiLeaks as being beyond the bounds of professional journalism. Through a textual analysis of discourse about WikiLeaks from the group’s inception in 2006 through early 2011, the study found that the American professional news media depicted WikiLeaks as unreliable, unstable deviants who maliciously and indiscriminately released information rather than properly performing journalism. The discourse portrayed WikiLeaks as being outside journalism’s professional norms in four primary areas: institutionality, reporter-source relationships, original reporting, and objectivity. In doing so, professional journalists defended those domains against WikiLeaks’ networked alternative, reasserting their own social value and authority by arguing for the superiority of their professional journalistic model. Discourse from professional media criticism, conservative and liberal alternative news media, and European journalism was also examined, using the response to WikiLeaks to help form a a map of several areas of the journalistic sphere in terms of their adherence to the paradigmatic tenets of professional journalism. The WikiLeaks case provides a useful guide for evaluating future interactions between professional and networked journalism, particularly professional journalism’s evolving self-definition vis-à-vis its emerging networked counterpart. / text

Tese (doutorado)—Universidade de Brasília, Instituto de Relações Internacionais, Programa de Pós-Graduação em Relações Internacionais, 2016. / Submitted by Nayara Silva (nayarasilva@bce.unb.br) on 2016-06-24T12:38:55Z No. of bitstreams: 1 2016_VivianPatriciaPeronVieira.pdf: 3802789 bytes, checksum: 8f5365fb182918d98ed13ce4614440ae (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Raquel Viana(raquelviana@bce.unb.br) on 2016-07-11T17:14:21Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 2016_VivianPatriciaPeronVieira.pdf: 3802789 bytes, checksum: 8f5365fb182918d98ed13ce4614440ae (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-07-11T17:14:21Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 2016_VivianPatriciaPeronVieira.pdf: 3802789 bytes, checksum: 8f5365fb182918d98ed13ce4614440ae (MD5) / O início deste século foi marcado por um conjunto significativo de transformações nas relações internacionais. O fortalecimento de movimentos antiglobalização, a maior propagação do terrorismo, o empoderamento de organizações civis e a ocorrência de grandes protestos coordenados em rede são algumas das vinculações deste período. Todos esses eventos possuem algumas características em comum: Envolvem ações ativistas; sustentam algum impacto transnacional; utilizam em alguma medida a comunicação digital para suas ações. Com este cenário de fundo, esta pesquisa de doutorado tem como indagação central o seguinte questionamento: Quais os efeitos da comunicação digital na dinâmica do ativismo transnacional contemporâneo? Para responder tal inquirição, o trabalho buscou integrar diferentes áreas de conhecimento como Relações Internacionais, Comunicação Social e Tecnologia. No tocante à metodologia utilizada, foram adotados a pesquisa qualitativa e o método de estudo de caso como ferramentas basilares. Para operacionalizar e criar linhas-mestras de análise, desenvolveu-se indicadores qualitativos. Estes foram aplicados em três casos de ativismo transnacional contemporâneo considerados representativos e emblemáticos: (a) Al-Qaeda, WikiLeaks e Primavera Árabe. Os resultados identificaram a ocorrência de cinco categorias de efeitos da comunicação digital sobre o ativismo transnacional e seus respectivos indicadores: Estímulo à configuração da causa (articulação, difusão e massificação); Multiplicação do engajamento de indivíduos (coordenação, adesão e colaboração); Flexibilização da estrutura (virtualização, descentralização e transnacionalização); Instrumentalização do planejamento (elaboração, datificação e instrução); e Diversificação da ação (cibereventos e ciberataque). A pesquisa aponta que os efeitos da comunicação digital no ativismo são hoje fenômenos reais, com implicações nos diversos processos que compõem o ativismo em geral e o ativismo transnacional em específico. Os dados e fatos descritos comprovam o lastro das categorias de efeitos e também demonstram a sua complexidade e entrelaçamento, enquadrando o ativismo transnacional como um fenômeno cada vez mais relevante no cenário internacional. _______________________________________________________________________________________________ ABSTRACT / The beginning of this century was marked by a significant number of changes in international relations. The strengthening of anti-globalization movements, the further spread of terrorism, the empowerment of civil society organizations and coordinated protests are some changes that characterize this period. All these events have some elements in common: activists actions; transboundary impacts; digital communication usage. This doctoral research centers around the following question: What are the effects of digital communication on the dynamics of contemporary transnational activism? To answer this inquiry, the study integrated different areas of knowledge, including International Relations, Social Communication and Technology. Regarding the methodology, qualitative research and the case study method were adopted as basic tools. To operate and create guidelines for analysis, qualitative indicators were developed. These were applied in three cases of contemporary transnational activism considered emblematic of this new century: (a) Al-Qaeda, WikiLeaks and Arab Spring. The results showed the occurrence of five digital communication categories of effects on transnational activism and their respective indicators: Encouraging the setting of the cause (articulation, diffusion and mass mediafication); Multiplying the individual’s engagement (coordination, support and collaboration); Flexible structure (virtualization, decentralization and transnationalization); Instrumentalization of the planning (elaboration, datification and instruction); and Action diversification (cyber event and cyber attack). The research shows the digital communication effects on activism today are a real phenomena, with implications in all the activism's stages in general – and transnational activism in particular. Data and facts described in this research show the validity of the categories of effects and also demonstrate their complexity and merging, framing the transnational activism as an increasingly important phenomenon in the current international arena.

LL.M. (International Law) / Before 2006, there had been some movement to expose conspiracy and injustices in government and corporate life but the emergence of Julian Assange and wikileaks would set a new standard in this kind of investigative probe into what the political leaders and heads of major corporations did behind the scenes. Assange’s initial revelations and release of incriminating documents was about to launch his debut as an ‘international man of mystery’ as people who are globally and politically curious will forever wonder what else he would reveal to the world. The first target of his disclosures was Africa then the United States but his actions would unleash a wave of leaks with corporate and government conspiracy at a volume that the world as we know it was previously unaccustomed to. Although some doubted the authenticity of his disclosures, and others criticized his methods, none doubted his right to freedom of expression as enshrined in national, regional and international instruments. Assange’s organization proposes that governments and corporations should be transparent in their dealings, and policies. Although tumultuous at first, leaks from Assange have helped expose some corrupt practices that would not otherwise have come to light. The impact of wikileaks on freedom of expression in the world has been massive and far reaching, the viral way in which the leaks spread are evidence to the fact that people have always been curious about this kind of conspiracy theories and are eager for transparency. It shows also that it is unwise to underestimate the impact that an event in one country could trigger globally. But what does it really mean to global stability and freedom of expression when one man chooses to go against conventional methods and probe into the powers that be? How will this change how the world does business in the area of what people are allowed to freely say or disclose without persecution and how this disclosure affect the laws that govern this kind of freedom of expression?

Researcher conducted a content analysis in order to examine how the media framed Julian Assange after the Ecuadorian government granted him political asylum at their embassy in London on August 16, 2012. Researchers compared 380 English and Spanish language newspaper articles from North America, Europe, Australia/New Zealand, Asia, and Latin America to examine regional differences in the way Assange was framed. This study revealed that generally the tone toward Assange was mostly neutral or positive in all continents. Furthermore, European media gave more attention to Julian Assange than did media from North America or other continents. Exploratory research revealed that English language newspapers placed Julian Assange in headlines more frequently than Spanish language sources. Interestingly, even when Assange’s participation in the publication of secret documents affected many different countries, he was not given page prominence in newspapers.

The WikiLeaks Afghanistan war logs contain more than 76 000 reports about fatalities and their circumstances in the US led Afghanistan war, covering the period from January 2004 to December 2009. In this paper we use those reports to build statistical models to help us understand the mortality rates associated with specific circumstances. We choose an approach that combines Latent Dirichlet Allocation (LDA) with negative binomial based recursive partitioning. LDA is used to process the natural language information contained in each report summary. We estimate latent topics and assign each report to one of them. These topics - in addition to other variables in the data set - subsequently serve as explanatory variables for modeling the number of fatalities of the civilian population, ISAF Forces, Anti-Coalition Forces and the Afghan National Police or military as well as the combined number of fatalities. Modeling is carried out with manifest mixtures of negative binomial distributions estimated with model-based recursive partitioning. For each group of fatalities, we identify segments with different mortality rates that correspond to a small number of topics and other explanatory variables as well as their interactions. Furthermore, we carve out the similarities between segments and connect them to stories that have been covered in the media. This provides an unprecedented description of the war in Afghanistan covered by the war logs. Additionally, our approach can serve as an example as to how modern statistical methods may lead to extra insight if applied to problems of data journalism. (author's abstract) / Series: Research Report Series / Department of Statistics and Mathematics

WikiLeaks emerged due to the belief that states (often democratic) were not as transparent as they claimed to be. Prior to WikiLeaks, transparency was largely done through state mechanisms and information provided to the media through official spokespeople. Through its online platform, WikiLeaks has attempted to widen this information net and corridor; allowing anyone with access to information to leak it anonymously. This dissertation investigates the effect of WikiLeaks on state sovereignty. It is crucial that sovereignty is continually investigated in order to understand where human society and the governance of human society are heading. Is the state losing greater sovereignty due to the emergence of WikiLeaks? The dissertation argues that the state is losing some sovereignty due to a WikiLeaks diffusion of sovereignty to citizens globally. However, WikiLeaks (although very well known) is a small part of many developments that underpin greater diffusion of state sovereignty including the growing power of the internet, diversification of media and other new methods that force state accountability. / Political Sciences

Internet is recognised as an alternative media tool that has the potential to stimulate civic cultures, mobilize and sustain civil society networks. It is also perceived as an important tool for social change that offers a powerful communication platform for different social groups to advance their views and ideology online in a significantly less controlled way than it is done through traditional media. In the end of 2010, the release of U.S. secret diplomatic on the Internet by the non-profit organisation WikiLeaks got an instant global outreach through the Internet and primarily, through the Wikileaks website – www.wikileaks.org. The immediate reaction to this resulted in governmental pressure on global providers of Internet services to stop servicing the website, thus preventing the global public from accessing the materials. The project studies the discussion that has arisen in the context of these actions and examines the communication tactics used by civil society and governmental actors in this discussion in order to advance an ideology of the right to communicate, and civil society participation in forming and safeguarding Internet principles. The project looks deeper at ideological, participatory, and developmental issues brought up in the discussion around the restriction of access to the main Wikileaks website, and how do they relate to eventual processes of social change. The study is based on Fairclough's framework on critical discourse analysis, and is grounded in the theoretical framework of participation, discourse and ideology. The main conclusion of the study is that the discussion around the Wikileaks CableGate case has clearly articulated the necessity of common Internet principles and democratic framework built in an inclusive and participatory manner through the active involvement of civil society actors in order to preserve the core values and enabling potential of Internet as media, and that an effective model for this is the multi-stakeholder model of Internet governance.

The WikiLeaks Afghanistan war logs contain nearly 77,000 reports of incidents in the US-led Afghanistan war, covering the period from January 2004 to December 2009. The recent growth of data on complex social systems and the potential to derive stories from them has shifted the focus of journalistic and scientific attention increasingly toward data-driven journalism and computational social science. In this paper we advocate the usage of modern statistical methods for problems of data journalism and beyond, which may help journalistic and scientific work and lead to additional insight. Using the WikiLeaks Afghanistan war logs for illustration, we present an approach that builds intelligible statistical models for interpretable segments in the data, in this case to explore the fatality rates associated with different circumstances in the Afghanistan war. Our approach combines preprocessing by Latent Dirichlet Allocation (LDA) with model trees. LDA is used to process the natural language information contained in each report summary by estimating latent topics and assigning each report to one of them. Together with other variables these topic assignments serve as splitting variables for finding segments in the data to which local statistical models for the reported number of fatalities are fitted. Segmentation and fitting is carried out with recursive partitioning of negative binomial distributions. We identify segments with different fatality rates that correspond to a small number of topics and other variables as well as their interactions. Furthermore, we carve out the similarities between segments and connect them to stories that have been covered in the media. This gives an unprecedented description of the war in Afghanistan and serves as an example of how data journalism, computational social science and other areas with interest in database data can benefit from modern statistical techniques. (authors' abstract)