This study examines the conflict between indigenous rights and the exploitation of land in Chile. The conflict is displayed through a public discourse about the recognition of the indigenous people on the one hand, and the application of the anti-terrorist law against the indigenous people on the other. The anti-terrorist law is currently applied to the indigenous group, the Mapuches, in southern Chile, which makes this issue particularly acute. The role of the international community and the international laws surrounding this issue thus play a part in the conclusions made by the author, together with minority rights and the concepts of sovereignty and terrorism. The case is further placed within the world-economy through the concepts of World System Theory by Immanuel Wallerstein.

With the onset of the independence of the Pacific Island States, the role of the mass media and their developmental processes began to be examined. This was of particular interest due to the obvious lack of a sufficient native media infrastructure to meet the demands of an indigenous population who were being introduced to a new world sphere and system. The main problem of mass media development in the Pacific lies in the fact that the nations in this area are still relatively behind in the basic structures of media participation. They lack technological knowledge of the various forms of media, the basic training and skills, and, moreover, the monetary means to address such deficiencies in the media. The outcome of this circumstance has been that Pacific media have become increasingly dependent upon the Western, industrialized nations such as the USA, Australia and New Zealand. Such dependence on these foreign nations has given rise to the question of 'cultural imperialism'. The aforementioned countries have a large influence in the Pacific through the unequal relaying of communication and cultural products and in the ownership of mass media agencies. This history of foreign based, imported culture has manifested itself in increased urbanization, social disruption, and greater commodity dependence and consumerism in the Pacific. This study will therefore be an attempt to analyse the media development processes of the Pacific by using Fiji as a case study. The critical analysis will come from Wallerstein's World System perspective. Further, it will be shown how Fiji's historical, involvement in the 'capitalist world economy', and her history of racism in the political and communication aspects of her society have helped shape her present media system. The underlying premise of the argument, will be that these factors have not been beneficial to achieving mass media development based on self-sufficiency, nor on harmony between the ethnic groups of Fiji.

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Shipbreaking industrin i Chittagong, Bangladesh är i huvudsak en fråga om miljöorättvisa på grund av exporten av miljöproblem och risk. Föreliggande examensuppsats syftar till att fylla bristen på kvalitativ forskning kring ämnet. För närvarande har en av de viktigaste rösterna inte varit en del av den akademiska diskursen – rösten från individer som bor i områdena kring industrin. Det empiriska materialet samlades in med hjälp av semi-strukturerade intervjuer under en två månader mindre fältstudie i samhällena som ligger kring industrin. Resultatet synliggör respondenternas syn på industrin och visar hur de är påverkade av den. Ett tydligt mönster framträder ur materialet och förkroppsligar teorierna som visar hur risk och miljöproblem exporteras från center, dessa absorberas sen av individerna i periferin. Export av miljöproblem, fattigdom och ökade risker utgör en kausalitet och skapar miljöorättvisa. / The shipbreaking industry in Chittagong, Bangladesh is a matter of environmental injustice due to the export of environmental problems and risks. This thesis fills the current gap in research regarding qualitative material concerning the shipbreaking industry. Currently, one of the most important voice has not entered the academic discourse – the voice of the individuals living in the communities surrounding the industry. The empirical material was gathered by conducting semi-structured interviews during a two months field study in smaller communities around the shipbreaking yards. The result displays the respondent’s views on the industry, and show how they are affected by it. A clear pattern emerges and embodies the theories showing how risk and environmental problems are exported, these are then absorbed by individuals in the periphery. Export of environmental problems, poverty and increasing risks constitutes a causality and creates environmental injustice.

The concept of hegemony has been an important subject in the 1970s as the US hegemonic position has entered into a decline period. This study aims to underline that the ongoing decline of US hegemony shares substantial analogies with the decline of British hegemony in the late 19th century. As the hegemonic economy enters into contraction period, it starts to experience financial expansion. Today, the US hegemony is in the midst of such an orientation toward the financialization. The study analyzes the historical changes within both hegemonic cases by direct references to the world-system theory and construct a comparative perspective in production, commerce and finance domains respectively to support these arguments.

This study is to investigate the problem of connectivity between nationally produced science and national needs. It is a collective case study of two academic departments within Saudi academia, the departments of petroleum engineering at Alpha and Beta Universities. The rationale for using these departments is that Saudi Arabia has an advanced petroleum industry, making petroleum engineering a good case for investigating the connectivity of nationally produced science with national needs. The main tool of the study was in-depth tape-recorded interviews. Twenty-two interviews were conducted, sixteen with current and retired faculty members at the petroleum engineering departments of Alpha and Beta and six with administrators at both universities. In addition, documents and observation were used as tools. The two departments differ in their levels of connectivity with national industry. One is increasingly connected with national industry, while the other is completely isolated from national industry. Historical and regulatory factors play a role in this difference. Four themes were generated from the data: institutional arrangements, positive attitude and self confidence, social construction of the university, and rentier mentality. The data gathered show that the issue of connectivity is beyond the will and abilities of individual scientists; it is a result of organizational efforts of the scientific institutions reinforced by the willingness of the productive sectors to change their behavior toward national scientists. / Ph. D.

<p>This thesis tries to evaluate the very large question of how globalization can be said to have an effect on democracy by reducing both concepts to a more usable format. In doing so it tries to evaluate how a special theory of democracy put forward by Robert Dahl in 1971 – polyarchy – could be said to be affected by the workings of contemporary globalization. When assessing the variables of the investigation, globalization is being represented by two constructed ideal images that are later measured against a set of seven variables extracted from Dahl’s theory.</p><p>By the use of qualitative text analysis the constructed ideal types help provide a framework for how one can measure the effects of globalization on polyarchy. The analysis ends in a result where it is clear that if globalization is understood as a neo-liberal ideal image it is making the circumstances for the creation of polyarchies in the future more favorable. However, if globalization is understood as an ideal image of world-system theory explanations then the circumstances for future polyarchies are less favorable. In a concluding discussion important implications of the results are highlighted when the thesis concludes that regardless of ideological starting point globalization can be said to affect the theory of polyarchy in such a way that it is in dire need of reevaluation. At the same time the essay concludes that whenever the concept of globalization is being used with scientific ambitions by politicians, they need to be aware of, and reflect, the different results that it brings depending on how it is explained.</p>

This study deals with the historical compromise between Labour and Capital—the so-called “Swedish model”—and the abandonment of this compromise in connection with the third industrial revolution. The focus of the study lies in the transformations in working life and labour internationalism from 1973 to 1993. The strategies of the trade union regarding the protection of workers’ rights at local, national and international levels are of particular interest. The relations between the Company Union Group at LM Ericsson, the Swedish Metalworkers’ Federation and the local union at Ericsson’s work premises in Colombia (Sintraericsson) are examined in depth. The research is conducted through archive studies and interviews according to oral history theories. The theoretical perspectives in the dissertation are mainly inspired by postcolonial and materialist world system theories. The examined relations took place in a time that from the point of view of the trade union was characterized by uncertainty and anxiety about the future. The visible effects of the technological and industrial processes of transformation in Sweden as well as in Colombia had increased, and one of the main manifestations of the changes was the decreasing demand of manual labour. The introduction of the electronic AXE-system at LM Ericsson industries constituted a significant pass toward increasingly minimized and decreasing labour-intensive telecommunication systems. In Colombia, the local management took advantage of both the political unrest and instability and the absence of functional legislation praxis of work in order to set back and, finally, repudiate Sintraericsson. Many obstacles were mounted impeding the realization of collected and vigorous international labour actions which, had these been successful, would have constituted a response to the union-hostile actions initiated by the company. The Swedish Metalworkers’ Federation and the Company Union Group at LM Ericsson in Sweden were faced with several strategical and ideological issues resulting in their support of Sintraericsson appearing as obligatory or even absent. The study further shows that LM Ericsson as a company had advantages when compared with the Labour Organizations in Sweden and Colombia. The company early established business connections in Colombia and had knowledge about, and was an active part of, the Colombian society. The company was not driven by moral principles though it on the one hand could point at Colombian laws and norms, and on the other hand at overreaching economical “laws” when it came to motivating the politics vis-à-vis the employees, the local union and the frequent dismissals of union activists at Ericsson de Colombia.

This essay aims to emphasize and clarify the positions that exist within the current globalization debate. The positions are the neo-liberal, the opponents, the pragmatists and the skeptics. The text presents and explains their ideological, moral and political positions and beliefs about the world, the nation state, the society and the individual; in light of Steven Lukes’ and Antonio Gramsci's theories regarding the interaction and the relationship between power and hegemony. The methodological starting point is the ideology-critical analysis; in which their arguments in the current globalization debate is highlighted and categorized. The neo-liberals consider globalization as a tool to legitimize the notion of the free, rational and autonomous individual – who in a free market chooses to contract, interact and relate to each other without facing any government intervention. Opponents see that globalization does not necessarily have to mean the spread of neoliberal economic doctrines – or government deregulation or privatization – but instead may represent a path towards a more just, democratic and inclusive world. Between these two diametrically opposed positions are the pragmatists; who argue that there must be a balance between political and economic freedom and government regulation and their institutional powers. Only then will globalization have the desired effects needed to be able to lift nations out of poverty, bring well being and evoke a greater temporal coherence at the global level. Finally, the skeptics’ viewpoint is that the concept of globalization is misleading and is used mainly as a diversion to hide the real interests – namely the U.S. ambitions to maintain its hegemonic position to continue to spread their neo-liberal ideology through the principles of free trade and democratization through the abolition of the welfare state. The analysis shows that the globalization debate is not primarily about what arguments are discussed at the present time, but instead deals with the political and ideological beliefs concerning how society should be designed and how the world should be comprehended and understood. The globalization debate is really about the individual and collective consciousness created by the liberal hegemonic exercise of power, and how this influence is manifested through the intellectual and moral leadership of the ruling class in the world today.

This dissertation examines the flow of economic news in Africa, in order to investigate the potential existence of regional hierarchies in international news flow. The research was based on a framework of theories on international news flow. A quantitative and qualitative content analysis of a sample of news articles published in Africa Investor, African Business and Business in Africa during 2007 and 2008 was analysed. The quantitative results showed that South Africa received the highest level of coverage and was covered to a greater extent than any other African country. The qualitative results indicated that there was clear evidence of regional hierarchy in the coverage of African countries: South Africa received extensive coverage probably due to the fact that it is the largest, most advanced and influential economy in the continent. The study showed that inequality in news coverage is not only a global issue, but also a regional one. / Communication Science / M.A. (International Communication)