Orientador: Joyce Maria Annichino-Bizzacchi / Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Faculdade de Ciencias Medicas / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-11T06:35:03Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Araujo_GrazielaSilveira_M.pdf: 2289744 bytes, checksum: 6cde67a2a95fde59c04e1240833b9c41 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2008 / Resumo: Em uma parcela de pacientes com quadro clínico hemorrágico ou trombótico, nenhum diagnóstico etiológico é estabelecido. Os pacientes com doença hemorrágica, muitas vezes importante, podem apresentar todos os exames de triagem e dosagem específica de fatores da coagulação dentro dos valores da normalidade. OBS.: O resumo na integra poderá ser visualizado no link ou texto completo da tese digital / Abstract: In a parcel of patients with hemorrhagic or thrombotic clinical picture, none etiologic diagnosis is established. The patients with hemorrhagic desorder, many times important, can present all inside the screening tests and specific dosage of factors of the coagulation of the values of normality. Note: the complete abstract is avaiable with the link or full eletronic digital theses or dissertations / Mestrado / Biologia Estrutural, Celular, Molecular e do Desenvolvimento / Mestre em Fisiopatologia Médica

D. Litt. et Phil. / While partial preterism has not been a dominant interpretive method among the four traditional ways of interpreting the Book of Revelation, namely, preterism, historicism, futurism, and idealism, it seems to be the most convincing interpretation. The problem concerning this work derives from the two parallel arguments in partial preterism. On the one hand, the advocates of consistent partial preterism argue that the whole Book of Revelation including chapters 12-13 concerns God's judgment on the apostate Jerusalem. On the other hand, according to transitional partial preterism, a significant turning point comes in these two chapters in that in Rev. 12-13 John introduces God's judgment on Rome. To solve this problem and to suggest a proposed solution, the following are respectively investigated: historical survey of the interpretation of the Book of Revelation; the critical evaluation of the two arguments of partial preterism; a probe into the socio-historical and literary aspects of Rev. 12-13; intratextuality of Rev. 12-13; intertextuality of John and his Jewish Christian and Gentile Christian audiences; and a proposed partial preterism of Rev. 14-22. The intertextuality of John's receptive production in terms of the NT, the OT and noncanonical intertexts is relevant to God's judgment of Rome as well as that of Jerusalem. For this reason, the intertextuality of the seven churches' productive reception plays a crucial role in determining the (partial preterist) meaning of Rev. 12-13 in particular, and of Revelation as a whole. This does not of necessity imply that the locus of meaning is in the audience, but that the communicative interaction among the author, the text and the audience decides the meaning. The partial preterist meaning of Revelation is not unlimitedly multiple but determinately controlled in that the intertextuality of John and his audience manifests only two choices: God's judgment on Rome and Jerusalem. With consistent partial preterism, John provides the Jewish Christians with a direct solution, but with transitional partial preterism, he provides a direct solution for the Gentile Christians. Therefore, both solutions function complementarily and not contradictorily. It is reasonable to conclude that, on the one hand, the Jewish Christian audiences, who emigrated to Asia Minor in AD 66 and were converted by Paul's Ephesian mission in AD 52, were persecuted especially by the heretical Jews. Therefore, using the OT and NT knowledge they might have interpreted Rev. 12 onward (and maybe Rev. 4-11 too) in terms of God's judgment on the apostate Jews. The removal of the Jewish temple was absolutely necessary to relieve the stress on the first century Christians of persecution from the Jews. The annihilation of the Jewish system therefore removed the most formidable antagonist of the gospel and brought rest and relief to suffering Christians. On the other hand, the Gentile Christian audiences, who were acquainted with the pagan sources and daily experienced the Roman persecution, were not severely persecuted by the infidelic Jews and interpreted Rev. 12 onward (and maybe Rev. 4-11 too) in the light of God's judgment on Rome. It can be deduced that John's Jewish and Gentile audiences have the same form of locution and the same type of illocution in Rev. 12-13. But the perlocutionary act by which John achieves certain intended effects in his audiences in addition to those achieved by the illocutionary act is different to both the Jewish and Gentile audiences. In short, it is not a matter of 'either ... or' but 'both ... and'. Therefore, the two lines of partial preterism do not exclude each other but should be taken into account conjointly.

No description available.

Even to contemporaries Louis XIII was an enigma, for he seemed to be the very embodiment of opposites. For example, when he overthrew his mother's Regency government in 1617, he claimed she had treated him as a child not as a son, yet the moment his 'coup' was successful he did not attempt to consolidate his authority, but sat on the floor "playing the child" he now claimed his mother had never allowed him to be. Further, he demanded the obedience of his nobility, yet continued to do things which elicited their scorn rather than their respect. After all, he fawned over court favorites, spoke with a stutter and seemed to enjoy his toy canons as much as he did the royal army he now ostensibly controlled. The purpose of this work is to show not only that Louis was a King without majesty, even though he was addressed as 'Your Majesty', but how he gradually came to acquire that majesty under the tutelage of Cardinal Richelieu. It does this first by drawing on the thought of Jean Bodin, the sixteenth century jurist, who showed that majesty flowed from sovereignty, and sovereignty meant that a ruler must not be subject to another in anything. Second, it applies this definition of sovereignty and majesty to Louis XIII, showing in detail how he did not even have control over his own life, much less over his court, country and coasts. It was Richelieu who gave him this control, making his rule unquestioned both in practice and in theory, separating him even from the scrutiny of the Catholic Church by making that Church subordinate to the state. Even more, Richelieu taught Louis how to carry himself like a King. Most of all, however, he taught Louis that the essence of majesty did not lie in demanding obedience but in exuding an authority that commanded it.

Zugl.: Wien, Univ., Diss., 2004 u.d.T.: Gangl, Peter: "Vetera novis augere et perficere"

Aachen, Techn. Hochsch., Diss., 2004

I L’objet de cette thèse est de montrer les caractéristiques de la représentation du favori royal dans la littérature française du premier XVIIe siècle. Alors que le mot « favori » entre dans la langue française dès le début du XVIe siècle, il faut attendre le début du siècle suivant pour que le favori devienne une notion politique opératoire et un personnage littéraire topique. Nous nous proposons donc d’analyser, selon une méthode nominaliste et pragmatique, la « fable du favori » à l’âge baroque c’est-à-dire l’ensemble des discours afférents au favori entre 1610 à1664. Cette étude comprend deux versants : archéologique et poétique. Il s’agit d’abord de dégager la généalogie du favori en le confrontant à d’autres types de personnels politiques mieux attestés par la tradition historique et philosophique (le conseiller, le secrétaire, le flatteur, le mignon de cour notamment), puis d’explorer l’imaginaire politique ambivalent de la faveur avant d’examiner les différentes théories politiques qui, à l’âge baroque, utilisent la notion de favori comme pierre de touche. Nous parcourons ensuite, selon un continuum chronologique, les différents genres littéraires que le favori conquiert à mesure que s’écoulent les premières décennies du XVIIe siècle, pour montrer comment les contraintes poétiques propres à chaque genre modèlent le visage du favori. En prolongeant une hypothèse émise par Curtis Perry dans Literature and Favoritism in Early Modern England, nous avancerons que la « fable du favori » aura fourni aux contemporains de Louis XIII un langage commun pour traiter certaines « difficult but inevitable [questions] », pour explorer certaines « gray area[s] in the culture ». Ces questions ne relèvent cependant pas uniquement de la sphère politique. La fable du favori se déploie certes dans ces « années cardinales » où la pensée étatiste triomphe et bouleverse les références de la théorie ou de la pratique politiques, mais elle manifeste avant tout, sous une forme métaphorique et dramatisée, une interrogation sourde et obstinée sur les conditions et les limites de l’agir humain ; elle traduit un souci de comprendre l’individu aux prises avec le monde, la société et l’histoire. Comme parvenu, le favori manifeste la toute-puissance de l’action individuelle mue par la volonté et guidée par la réflexion. Cependant, la trajectoire personnelle du favori semble s’inscrire dans une destinée déterminée, qui trahit l’emprise inexpugnable de la Fortune sur les ambitions humaines. Figure bifrons, le favori incarne donc une allégorie de la prudence. La fable du favori interroge ainsi la pertinence et la relativité de valeurs fondamentales : le mérite personnel et la vertu, la faveur et la valeur. Elle implique une réflexion anthropologique et éthique puisqu’elle sonde les passions politiques, redessine les espaces de l’intimité, les formes de l’affectivité et les contours de l’identité personnelle à une époque où la distinction entre les sphères publique et privée n’est pas acquise. La fable du favori innerve enfin la réflexion historiographique sur « l’absolutisme » et sous-tend la construction du premier champ littéraire : au terme de sa carrière politique, le favori devient, sous l’égide de Mécène, une figure tutélaire de la culture galante. nsérer ici votre résumé en français / The purpose of this PhD thesis is to present the characteristics of the royal favourite as depicted in 17th-century literature. Although the term “favourite” entered the French language at the beginning of the 16th century, the favourite did not become an operating political concept and a topical literary figure until the beginning of the next century. Our intention is to analyse, according to a nominalist and pragmatic method, the “fable of the favourite” during the Baroque period, i.e. the collection of texts relating to favourites written between 1610 and 1664. This study comprises two parts: the first archaeological, the second poetic. It aims first at identifying the genealogy of the favourite by comparing him to other types of political character more present in historical and philosophical tradition – in particular, advisors, secretaries, flatterers and Mignons-, then at exploring the ambivalent political imagination of the favour, before examining the different political theories of the Baroque period that used this concept of the favourite as a touchstone. We will then review in chronological order the different literary genres in which the favourite appeared over the course of the opening decades of the 17th century, demonstrating how the poetic constraints of each genre have shaped the way the favourite is viewed. By extension of an assertion by Curtis Perry in “Literature and Favoritism in Early Modern England”, we suggest that the favourite’s story provided Louis XIII’s contemporaries with a common language in which to address certain “difficult but unavoidable [questions]” and to explore some “grey area[s] in the culture”. Nevertheless, those questions do not only revolve around politics. The “fable of the favourite” does indeed develop during those “cardinal years” where the statist spirit prevailed and upset all references to political theory or practice, however it above all reflected, in a metaphorical and dramatised form, a muffled and stubborn questioning of the conditions and limits of human acting. It marked a desire to understand individuals as they struggled with the world, society and history. As a parvenu, the favourite embodied the omnipotence of individual action driven by will and directed by thought. However, the personal journey of the favourite seems to encompass a determined fate which betrays the unassailable hold of Fortune on human ambitions. Being a dual figure, the favourite embodies an allegory of prudence. The fable of the favourite thus questions the relevance and relativity of fundamental values: personal merit and virtue, favour and value. It implies anthropological and ethical considerations, since it probes into political passions and redefines the limits of privacy, the forms of affection and the boundaries of personal identity at a time when the distinction between the public and private sphere was not yet clear. Finally, the fable of the favourite reinvigorates the historiographical examination of “absolutism” and underpins the assembly of the first literary field: at the end of his political career, the favourite became, under the aegis of Maecenas, a figurehead of the culture of gallantry.

Yes

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Submitted by Marlene Santos (marlene.bc.ufg@gmail.com) on 2016-08-05T19:08:39Z No. of bitstreams: 2 Dissertação - Hugo David Gonçalves - 2014.pdf: 1495815 bytes, checksum: a609376034aa54cce23cc5e18a320e1f (MD5) license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Luciana Ferreira (lucgeral@gmail.com) on 2016-08-08T14:32:08Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 2 Dissertação - Hugo David Gonçalves - 2014.pdf: 1495815 bytes, checksum: a609376034aa54cce23cc5e18a320e1f (MD5) license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-08-08T14:32:08Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 2 Dissertação - Hugo David Gonçalves - 2014.pdf: 1495815 bytes, checksum: a609376034aa54cce23cc5e18a320e1f (MD5) license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) Previous issue date: 2014-11-06 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior - CAPES / Cette étude a defendu la thèse où l’idée de noblesse s’est ausi forgé, dans lequel moment de l’histoire portugaise, a partir de modèles de comportement sexuel envisagé dans les chansons satiriques. Les subjects choisi ont rapporté le quotidien de la cour, à partir de traces recueilli aux satires, avec la législation produit par Dom Dinis et quelques constants aperçu au discurs des Chroniques. Penser l’humeur dans ce contexte signifique chercher des practiques et comportement accept ou rejeté par celle societé, spécialement dans l’ambience coutoi. Rois, fonctionnaires et d’autres ricos-homens que se sont aventuré à composer des satires constituaient, pour l’insulte, de la blague et de la rire, modèles d’action et de contention sexuelle qui passeraient, avec quelques differences, à constituer des examples d’attitude pour les autres groupes sociales. Ces constructions identitaires ont supposé de différencier les nobles à partir de la négation des actions considerée dégoûtantes. De toute façon, on a discuté ce qui s’est appelé statut de l’humeur et culture de l’insulte, en rélation aux grupes constitutifes de la societé médiévale portugaise dans lequel période, en tenant pour paramètre comparatif les practique de la sexualité. Des questions autour du caractère éminemment oral des productions sont allés évoquer pour comprendre des malentendus qui ont emmené à multiples interpretations. Leurs liaisons avec la législation procédant de l’ambiant urbain qui parfois les productions ont possédé, ainsi que des thèmes évoquées, ont été évalué, pour l’approche des thèmes juridiques présentes au Livro das Leis e Posturas. / The study sought to defend the thesis that the idea of nobility also forged, at the time of Portuguese history, from models on expected sexual behavior in satirical songs. The listed topics related to everyday court from evidences collected in skits with the legislation produced by Dom Dinis and perceived by some constants chronistical speech. Think the humor in this context means seeking practices and behaviors or not supported by that society, especially in courtly environment. Kings, officials and other ricos homens who ventured to compose these satires, constructed through the discourse of mockery and laughter, models of behavior and sexual. Dike that would, with some fluctuations, constitute examples of attitudes toward other social groups. These identity constructions assumed distinguish nobles from the denial of actions considered degrading. Thus, attempts to discuss what he called status mood and culture of insult, compared to constituent groups of Portuguese medieval society of that period, taking as a comparative parameter practices related to sexuality. Issues surrounding the eminently oral character of those productions were evoked in order to understand the mistakes that led to interpretations multiples. His connection with the law stemmed from the urban ambiance that many of these productions contain and evoked themes, approaching the legal issues in the Livro das Leis e Posturas. / O estudo procurou defender a tese de que a ideia de nobreza também se forjou, naquele momento da história portuguesa, a partir de modelos de comportamento sexual antevistos nas cantigas satíricas. Os temas elencados relacionaram o cotidiano da corte, a partir de indícios recolhidos nas sátiras, com a legislação produzida por Dom Dinis e algumas permanências, percebidas pelo discurso cronístico. Pensar o humor neste contexto significa buscar práticas e comportamentos corroborados ou não por aquela sociedade, em especial no ambiente cortesão. Reis, funcionários e outros ricos homens que se aventuravam a compor essas sátiras construíam, através do insulto, da pilhéria e do riso, modelos de comportamento e de contenção sexual que passariam, com algumas flutuações, a constituir exemplos de atitudes para outros grupos sociais. Essas construções identitárias pressupunham diferenciar os nobres a partir da negação de ações consideradas degradantes. Assim sendo, procurou-se discutir o que se chamou de estatuto do humor e de cultura do insulto, em relação a grupos constituintes da sociedade medieval portuguesa daquele período, tomando como parâmetro comparativo as práticas ligadas à sexualidade. Questões em torno do caráter eminentemente oral daquelas produções foram evocadas a fim de compreender os equívocos que levavam a múltiplas interpretações. Sua ligação com a legislação advinha da ambientação urbana que muitas dessas produções continham, bem como das temáticas evocadas, que se aproximavam de temas legais presentes no Livro das Leis e Posturas.