Thesis (MBA)--Stellenbosch University, 2014. / Broad-based Black Economic Empowerment (B-BBEE) not only aims to readdress the racial imbalances of the apartheid era, but also seeks to promote social responsibility and empowerment of historically disadvantaged South African (HDSA) communities (Esser & Dekker, 2008). The transformation journey within the South African Liquid Fuels Sector has been a difficult and lengthy one. The South African Liquid Fuels Sector was amongst the first to receive its own Black Economic Empowerment (BEE) sector charter (Liquid Fuels Charter) in 2000. Although numerous transformation milestones have been achieved, the sector has been criticised for its slow pace in advancing transformation, which has in part contributed to the amendment of the B-BBEE Codes in 2013. The argument of slow transformation can be attributed to obstacles faced by those in industry tasked with implementing B-BBEE. There has been a deficiency in studies that have investigated transformation and the implementation of B-BBEE within the sector. As a result, the central objective of this study was to explore the B-BBEE implementation challenges faced by companies within the liquid fuels sector. A qualitative approach was employed for the collection of primary data and involved interviews with eight top and senior management representatives of Chevron South Africa (Pty) Ltd. The results emanating from the study revealed numerous implementation challenges. The study together with literature reviewed, highlights the need to address these challenges in order for B-BBEE implementation to yield the desired results for all stakeholders within the South African Liquid Fuels Sector. The study concludes that a lack of understanding of B-BBEE policy; alignment of internal party interests; overcoming internal biases; skills shortages and lack of experience by Black individuals; involvement of senior management in implementation process; co-ordination and structure required in B-BBEE implementation execution; communication within organisations; diversity/cultural awareness; and B-BBEE policy issues and skills attraction and retention are some of the issues impacting B-BBEE implementation within the South African Liquid Fuels Sector.

Thesis (MBA)--Stellenbosch University, 2014. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: For decades black South Africans suffered under apartheid, being excluded from active participation in the South African economy. Following the first democratic election in 1994, which was won by the African National Congress, the new government immediately made clear its intentions to transform the economy by including all the South Africans citizens. In 2004 the government promulgated the Broad-Based Black Economic Empowerment Act (BB-BEE), which aimed to redress the wrongs of the past and to realise the country's full economic potential whilst assisting the black majority to become part of the economic mainstream. The BB-BEE act focused primarily on the upliftment and empowerment of historically disadvantaged people, particularly black people, women, the youth and the disabled and on those living in rural communities; it aims to include these people in the management and ownership structures of South African companies. The clay brick industry, one of the oldest industries in the world, had been severely affected by the introduction of the legislation, as 75% of businesses were predominantly family owned, and 69.39% of them are predominantly white owned. The primary objective of this research assignment was to investigate the impact of Broad-Based Black Economic Empowerment (BB-BEE) on the South African clay brick industry and to make recommendations to the various stakeholders regarding the management of the introduction of BB-BEE into the industry. The methodology followed a survey approach by using specific indicators to ascertain what the perceptions and experiences of the business owners were, regarding the implementation of BB-BEE in the industry. The study found that the business owners were concerned about losing control of their businesses, that there is very little support from government for businesses entering into BB-BEE deals and that it is difficult to find the “right” empowerment partner which “fits” the culture and management style of the business. The study concluded that much uncertainty, fear and anxiety exists amongst business owners regarding the introduction of BB-BEE. The study also makes practical recommendations to the various stakeholders who may assist with facilitating the introduction of BB-BEE in the industry.

The shift from an ethnocentric, monocultural society to a more inclusive and democratic society should be accompanied by a national policy providing equal access to resources in a proactive, affirmative manner. This can be achieved in one of the two ways, either through equal employment opportunity or Affirmative Action. Affirmative Action is a specific intervention directed toward ensuring that employment opportunities are created by actively correcting imbalances caused by past discrimination and achieving employment targets. Equal employment opportunity implies an absence of discrimination, whereas Affirmative Action denotes compensatory discrimination in favour of disadvantaged groups.<br /> <br /> Affirmative Action is a supplement to, rather than equivalent to equal employment opportunities in that equality cannot be a genuine option where the effects of previous discriminatory practices have not been redressed. In an equal opportunities system, not all persons have the same chance of achieving the desired goal, but all are provided with equal means to achieve it. The unequal outcome of such a system is caused by the unequal skills for talents of the past discrimination, especially in terms of education and experience. All the Directors of Tygerberg Administration who responded to the questionnaires supported this and all of them agreed that training is necessary for all employees, especially the previously discriminated groups. The primary objective of Affirmative Action can therefore said to be the adequate advancement of disadvantaged groups for the purpose of securing equal rights, freedom and opportunities.<br /> <br /> Equal employment opportunity is seen as a passive agreement on the part of the employer not to discriminate against any particular group. Employers adhering to the principle of equal employment opportunity evaluates candidates for employment according to performance criteria which relates directly to the requirements of a particular position. Affirmative Action seeks to go beyond equal employment opportunity in that it recognises that, when members of disadvantaged groups constitute only a small percentage of the labour pool, passively providing equality of opportunity will not suffice in overcoming the effects of previous discriminatory employment practices. Affirmative Action employers are therefore given the mandate to identify and remove the barriers to the employment of those under-represented in the workplace. Merely removing the present obstacles to equality does not necessarily ensure equality between groups since the effects of previous discrimination need to be actively redressed.<br /> It can be noted that equal employment and Affirmative Action programmes should not be equated with each other as they imply different approaches to overcoming the effects of previous discrimination. Affirmative Action is said to be a supplement to, rather than the equivalent of equal employment opportunity, in that it is required to eliminate the barriers to real equality in the workplace. In this regard, it is essential to point out that Affirmative Action programmes are a means to an end, namely equal employment opportunity, and should not continue after this end has been achieved. Due to the similarity between the two terms, Affirmative Action and equal employment opportunity are often equated with one another when, in essence, they have different meanings.<br /> <br /> From the information gathered for this research it was clear that not many Blacks were employed in management and supervisory positions of the City of Tygerberg. The research revealed that despite adopting the Agreement on Affirmative Action and equal employment practice of the National Labour Relations Forum for Local Government as its policy framework, the Tygerberg Administration had not succeeded in meeting most of its obligations in terms of the above mentioned policy framework. This is largely ascribed to problems experienced with the implementation of equal employment and Affirmative Action programmes within the local authority. The methods of communicating these programmes to especially its lower category of disadvantaged employees to participate in training opportunities to improve their working skills, were not capitalised on. There was an unequal distribution of skills due to the effects of past discrimination, especially in terms of education. Active steps therefore need to be taken to ensure that the intentions of the local authority with repect to equal employment and Affirmative Action are implemented efficiently and effectively.

This research report set out to provide an evaluation of the progress made by the Department of Justice and Constitutional Development with respect to affirmative action and employment equity, and particularly with respect to the promotion of greater gender equity in employment, especially at the management levels.

Affirmative action is a central concept in South African politics and the workplace. The Employment Equity Act divides society into a designated group (blacks, women and people with disabilities) and a non-designated group (white men and white women). In this study, the influence of affirmative action on alienation of the non-designated group was investigated. Guidelines were also developed for employers in order to lead the non-designated group from a state of alienation to that of commitment. Two research questions were investigated: • Does affirmative action lead to the alienation of the non-designated group? • What will guidelines for companies, with the view to address the alienation problem, look like? Three central themes appear in this study. Firstly the concept alienation was investigated. The theory of Seeman was heavily relied on. He succeeded in summarising the experience of alienation in five variants, namely powerlessness, meaninglessness, normlessness, isolation and self-alienation. Secondly, guidelines were developed in order to lead the non-designated group from a state of alienation to that of commitment. To succeed in doing this, the industrial sociology alienation theory and the industrial psychology motivation theory were linked together. The quadruplet sisters of the motivation theory, namely motivation, work satisfaction, work involvement and organisational commitment were applied as the basis for the guidelines. Thirdly, affirmative action was discussed in depth. The experience of the non-designated group regarding affirmative action was investigated, affirmative action as an international phenomenon was scrutinized, different methods for implementing affirmative action were researched and a study on statutory framework of affirmative action was also undertaken. / Thesis (Ph.D. (Industrial Sociology))--North-West University, Potchefstroom Campus, 2007.

Women working in male-dominated professions and environments face experiences that are unique to their counterparts in more gender-balanced and female-dominated professions. The nature of these experiences affects women’s integration and potential success in male- dominated professions. To enhance employment equity in historically male-dominated professions and environments, an understanding of women’s experiences in such environments is beneficial. The purpose of this research was to explore the challenges and coping strategies of women working within male-dominated professions and environments. This was an exploratory qualitative study conducted within the interpretive research paradigm. A purposive sample consisting of five women working in identified male-dominated professions and environments was utilised. In-depth interviews were conducted and data was analysed using grounded theory. The main findings indicate that the central theme pertinent to women working in male-dominated professions and environments pertains to the types of challenges inherent in their work settings. The main challenges found were as follows: discrimination and bias; physical and health-related difficulties experienced; negative emotions resulting from working in male-dominated environments; lack of real transformation; and work/life balance. This study provides current insight into the plight of women working in male-dominated professions and environments in South Africa. / Industrial and Organisational Psychology / M.A. (Industrial and Organisational Psychology)

This paper examines the causes for socioeconomic variation between African Americans and West Indians in the United States, focusing primarily on New York City. Nearly 2 million African Americans live in New York, 30 percent of whom are black immigrants, and likely another 15 percent that are the children of these foreign-born individuals. I provide an overview of the socioeconomic positions of both groups, focusing especially on residential patterns, labor market participation, and educational attainment. I then compare leading theories used to explain West Indian success, arguing that selective United States immigration practices account for most variation both between the two groups and also within the West Indian immigrant population itself. The success of many black immigrants, including West Indians, is attributed to their motivation and ability to leave their home country and pursue opportunities abroad, rather than by virtue of being born of their individual culture. Selective immigration practices have privileged many West Indians who’ve settled in the country, especially in regard to educational attainment. Critiquing current affirmative action programs, I offer policy suggestions to ensure restitution for African Americans who remain persistently disadvantaged by the legacies of slavery.

This thesis is primarily concerned with the distribution of quotas in higher education and public employment within identified beneficiary groups. In a system of quotas based on preferential treatment of groups, the question about which members of the group must benefit over others is a crucial one. One of the main themes in the thesis is to critically analyse the judicial understanding about the nature of these groups. The homogeneity (in backwardness) that is attached to beneficiary groups in differing degrees is challenged in the thesis using the examples of Scheduled Castes and Muslims within the Other Backward Classes category. The differences within beneficiary groups have great significance for the fairness of India’s reservation policies. By ignoring internal differences, the most marginalised groups are left behind in terms of accessing the benefits of reservations. I have argued that any attempt to address the issue of sub-classification must begin by recognising multiple axis of marginalisation within the framework of intersectionality. This lack of sufficient engagement with the issue of sub-classification highlights the failure of the Supreme Court of India to develop a normative framework within which reservations might be viewed. This lack of normative clarity informs spheres of reservations like higher education and public employment along with according homogenous treatment to beneficiary groups internally. The Supreme Court has viewed reservations in higher education and public employment as essentially performing the same function. I have argued that reservations in these spheres perform different functions and the resulting obligations on the state in terms of constitutional justifications must also differ. While the demands for sub-classification present an opportunity to make distribution of reservations fairer, it also exposes the limitation of reservations as a tool of social transformation.

À l’été 2010, le gouvernement canadien a annoncé le remplacement du formulaire long obligatoire par l’Enquête nationale auprès des ménages, un questionnaire facultatif. Ce changement a causé beaucoup de réactions, parce que cela affectera la qualité et la continuité des données recueillies, qui servent à appliquer différents programmes et lois, et qui sont utilisées par de nombreux groupes dans leurs fonctions de recherche et de représentation. Le présent mémoire a pour objectif de comprendre pourquoi le recensement devient parfois le centre d’un conflit politique, quels acteurs sont impliqués, et pour quelles raisons. À l’aide d’une analyse comparative de cas antérieurs dans différents pays, nous identifions trois éléments nécessaires pour que la méthodologie du recensement devienne un enjeu politique. Il s’agit de la présence: (1) d’un aspect identitaire; (2) d’une dimension idéologique qui concerne particulièrement le rôle de l’État et l’action positive; et (3) de programmes ou d’objectifs gouvernementaux qui dépendent directement des données du recensement. Pour évaluer si ces trois facteurs sont également présents au Canada en 2010, nous avons effectué des entrevues avec les groupes qui ont contesté la décision de l’annulation du formulaire long obligatoire. Ces groupes ont contesté la décision devant les tribunaux, et ont évoqué les risques de non-respect du gouvernement envers ses obligations légales, notamment envers la Charte des droits et libertés. L’analyse de ce conflit nous permet aussi d’évaluer les relations entre le gouvernement canadien et la société civile, et le manque de ressources et d’opportunités auquel font face les groupes d’intérêt et les représentants de minorités à la recherche d’équité. / In 2010, the Canadian government announced the cancelation of the long-form mandatory census of 2011. It was replaced by the non-mandatory National Household Survey. Many protests were heard, because the data will be less accurate and there will be no continuity with the previous censuses. This data has many purposes, like the application of laws or governmental programs. Different groups also use it in research and advocacy activities. This master’s thesis analyses different situations of controversy over the census methodology, in various countries, to understand how it becomes a political conflict, who are the actors that get involved and why they do so. We find that 3 conditions are necessary to turn a census into a political battlefield. It is : (1) an identity concern; (2) an ideological dimension, about the role of the State and of affirmative action; and (3) the presence of laws or programs that depend directly on the census data. To test this affirmation, we interviewed groups that contested the decision of the cancelation of the mandatory long-form census in Canada in 2010. They took the case in front of the Courts, and think that the government has now the opportunity to escape from some of its obligations, one of which is the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms. This controversy’s analysis shows patterns in the relations between the Canadian government and the civil society. Interest groups and minorities now face very little opportunity of doing advocacy activities before the federal government.

This thesis explores the constitutionality of compulsory electoral quotas for women imposed by law. The central question this thesis attempts to answer is what makes these quotas constitutional or unconstitutional in a given jurisdiction. A double methodology was employed to answer this question: theoretical and comparative. From a theoretical perspective, it is proposed that the constitutionality of electoral quotas for women depends on the approach that domestic legal orders adopt to four issues: political representation, equality, affirmative action and political rights. An additional crosscutting factor that influences the constitutionality of these quotas is gender, mainly through its effects on the understanding of political representation and equality. From the comparative law perspective, three jurisdictions were analysed: France, Spain and Mexico. After exploring these systems' approaches to political representation, equality, affirmative action and political rights, the process of adoption of electoral quotas for women is discussed, particularly the constitutional litigation about quota laws. Finally, the relationship between the theory and the practice of assessing the constitutionality of electoral quotas for women is analysed, concluding that although courts use a theoretical framework formed by political representation, equality, affirmative action and political rights, they adopt a somewhat simplistic approach to these issues, using only one of these theoretical factors as the primary determinant, often side-stepping the most controversial issues connected with these factors, and almost completly ignoring the particularities of the target group (women). Additionally, in each jurisdiction the decisions of the courts are also influenced by domestic political and legal factors.