[pt] Esse trabalho visa compreender como a ideia de direito de autodeterminação foi mobilizada nas obras de Kwame Nkrumah, entre as décadas de 1940 e 1960. Considera-se que o autor fez uso de uma linguagem de direitos disponível ao longo do século XX e, ao priorizar a noção de direito de autodeterminação, conferiu a essa um sentido específico de crítica à colonização e reivindicação de independência para o continente africano. Problematiza-se os significados atribuídos por Nkrumah ao direito de autodeterminação a partir da consideração que essa linguagem de direitos estava em circulação e fora mobilizada por outros grupos pan-africanos e organizações internacionais como a ONU. Nesse sentido, também são analisados a Declaration to the Negro peoples of the World, as Resoluções Finais do Congresso de Manchester, as Resoluções Finais da Conferência de Bandung, a Declaração de Concessão de Independência para os países e povos Coloniais, o Pacto Internacional de Direitos Civis e Políticos e o Pacto Internacional de Direitos Econômicos, Sociais e Culturais. / [en] This work seeks to understand how the idea of right of self-determination was mobilized in the works of Kwame Nkrumah, between the decades of 1940 and 1960. It is acknowledge that this author made use of a language of rights available through the twentieth century and prioritized the notion of self-determination to criticize the colonization and to claim independence for the African continent. The meanings attributed to the notion of self-determination by Nkrumah are discussed considering that this language of rights were in circulation and had been mobilized by other pan-African groups and international organizations such as UN. So, during this work, it is also analyzed the documents: Declaration to the Negro peoples of the World, Final Resolutions of Congress of Manchester, Final Communiqué of Afro-Asian Conference of Bandung, International Convention on civil and political rights, International Convention on economic, social and cultural rights.

Doctorat en sciences sociales, politiques et économiques / info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

MAAS / Department of Development Studies / See the attached abstract below

This thesis examines the class appeal of Marcus Garvey's propaganda and his relationship with the black American left through the end of his movement's formative years to reveal aspects of his political thought that are not entirely represented in the historiography. Although several historians have addressed Garvey's affiliation with the black American left there has not yet been a consummate study on the nature of that relationship. This study examines the class element of Garvey's propaganda from his formative years through his radical phase, tracing the evolution of his ideas and attributing factors to those changes. Garvey influenced and was influenced by the labor movement and the class appeal of his propaganda was much stronger than historians have allowed. Garvey ultimately distanced himself and his program from the left for a number of reasons. The United States Justice Department's campaign to infiltrate his organization and remove him at the height of the Red Scare caused him to distance his program from the left. Since Garvey was pragmatic, not ideologically driven, and economic theory was secondary to black autonomy in his philosophy, increased criticism from former associates in the black American left, coupled with his exclusion from African-American intelligentsia, impacted his decision to embrace an alternative program. During the final years of his radical phase Garvey's ideas, program and relationships were impacted by a collision of the personal and political in his world. Understanding the complexity of Garvey's evolving ideology, and looking at the causes for those changes, are crucial to the study of the movement and its impact.

Kwame Nkrumah was the first African leader to pursue the idea of Africa’s continent-wide unity with fervour. Many thought that African unity will only be the pooling of poverty and that Nkrumah’s dream was impossible. Nkrumah was known for his philosophy "Seek ye first the political kingdom and all things shall be added unto it". He thought that political unity should precede economic unity, which would naturally follow. Even though the newly independent African states agreed on the necessity of unity, his philosophy was not welcomed when the Organisation of African Unity was established in Addis Ababa (Ethiopia) in 1963. Rather, delegates opted for incremental political integration leading to economic integration –an aspiration that Africa is still struggling to bring to fruition. This study demonstrates that Nkrumah’s idea of political unity before economic integration was and still is valid for Africa’s continent-wide unity. To this end, the study will use textual sources and use diachronic and integrative approaches as analytical tools. / Political Sciences / M.A. (International Politics)

The purpose of this study is to analyse the role of the Organisation of African Unity (OAU) as an international governmental organisation in regional co-operation and stability from 1963 until 2000. It is also aims to evaluate the OAU's success or failure as the initiator of African unity and the driver of regional co-operation and stability in Africa within political, economic and social spheres. As background, the motivation for the study is discussed and the problem is stated. From this, research questions are formulated, and objectives identified. Three hypotheses are formed, which the study aimed to prove. The range of core theoretical foundations, concepts, characteristics, theories, approaches and classifications are examined in detail as foundations for an understanding and evaluation of the role of the OAU. Regional organisations as a phenomenon are also studied in-depth with reference to their nature, meaning and historical origins. Inter-state relations in the international community are theoretically explored, as well as the position and potential of regionalism within international public administration. Concepts, characteristics, types and functions of regional organisations and the role of co-operation, sovereignty and supra-nationalism in regional co-operation are covered. Following this, a study is made of the historical origins, nature and character of Pan-Africanism and the evolution of the OAU. Based on the structural-functional approach, the nature and essential characteristics of the organisation are analysed, with reference to its structures, and the tasks of the Secretary-General and its various commissions. In addition, the former relationship between the OAU and the UN is also highlighted. The role of the OAU is evaluated as a regional organisation involved in the establishment of regional co-operation in Africa in the political, economic, cultural and social spheres. The study concludes with an evaluative synthesis of its findings, proposals and conclusions. The OAU is found to have been successful in certain regards, but in others, it failed to attain its primary purpose: to forge unity on the continent and to create co-operation among states. Its successor, the African Union could learn some valuable lessons from the OAU's history. / Public Administration / (D.P.A.)

Since the 1950s, men and women, mainly Rastafari from the West Indies, have moved as repatriates to Shashamane, Ethiopia. This is a spiritually and ideologically oriented journey to the promised land of Ethiopia (Africa) and to the land granted by His Imperial Majesty Emperor Haile Selassie I. Although migration across regions of the global south is less common than migration from the global south to north, this move is even more distinct because it is not primarily motivated by economic concerns. This thesis - the first in-depth ethnographic study of the repatriate population - focuses on the conceptual and pragmatic ways in which repatriates and their Ethiopian-born children “rehome” this area of Shashamane that is now called Jamaica Safar (or village in the Amharic language). There is a simultaneous Rasta identification of themselves as Ethiopians and as His Majesty’s people, which is often contested in legal and civic spheres, with a West Indian social inscription of Shashamane. These dynamics have emerged from a Rastafari re-invention of personhood that was fostered in West Indian Creole society. These ideas converge in a central concern with the inalienability of the land grant that is shared by repatriates, their children and Rastafari outside Ethiopia as well. Accordingly, the repatriate population of Shashamane becomes the centre of international social and economic networks. The children born on this land thus demonstrate the success of their parents’ repatriation. They are the ones who will ensure the Rastafari presence there in perpetuity.

En suivant la trajectoire de quatre leaders africains au temps des indépendances, Barthélémy Boganda (République centrafricaine), Patrice Lumumba (République du Congo), Félix Moumié et Ruben Um Nyobè (Cameroun), ce travail cherche à explorer par le biais de l’anthropologie historique, de la méthode comparative et à l’échelle de l’Afrique centrale, en quoi l’assassinat politique peut constituer un moyen de réguler les relations internationales et peut être un fondement de la construction nationale de leur pays d’origine. Au fil de l’itinéraire politique de ces leaders, seront évoquées leurs désillusions onusiennes et panafricaines qui resserrent sur eux l’étau mortel d’une Realpolitik entre bipolarisation et néocolonialisme. L’autre hypothèse explorée est la suivante : il serait possible par le biais de l’Histoire comparée de faire émerger des invariants à l’assassinat politique sous forme de processus récurrents comme l’arme judiciaire, l’arme médiatique, l’absence de sépultures décentes, la damnatio memoriae dont ils sont frappés qui aboutit a contrario à une inversion symbolique et iconique. L’étude s’appuie sur de nombreuses sources qui se sont complétées afin de reconstituer l’enchaînement des évènements et de nouvelles interprétations : archives privées inédites, archives publiques dont certaines ont été déclassifiées pour cette étude, sources audiovisuelles et imprimées, témoignages oraux inédits recueillis par l’auteure. / Through a close examination of the trajectory of four African leaders, Barthélémy Boganda (Republic of Central Africa), Patrice Lumumba (Republic of Congo), Félix Moumié et Ruben Um Nyobé (Cameroun), during the independence era, and by means of the historical anthropology, the comparative method and focusing on Central Africa, this study tries to explore to what extent political assassination could constitute a way of regulating international relationships and lay the foundations of the national construction of their country of origins. Along their political career path, their UN-related and Pan–Africanism disillusionment that tightens around them the lethal noose of a Realpolitik caught between bipolarization and neo-colonialism will be referred to. The other hypothesis developed here is as followed : it could be possible through comparative history to bring out invariance within political assassination under the forms of recurrent processes such as the judiciary weapon, the media weapon, the lack of a decent burial place and the damnatio memoriae they’ve been sentenced to which all contrastingly led to a symbolic and iconic reversal. The study relies on numerous sources that complete each other in order to reconstitute the chain of events and allow new interpretations: private exclusive archives, public archives, some of which having been declassified for this purpose, audio-visual and printed sources, exclusive oral narratives collected by the author.

Kwanzaa ni sikukuu ya utamaduni pendwa inayosherehekewa na amarekani-Waafrika na watu wengine wa diaspora sehemu mbalimbali duniani. Kwanzaa husherehekewa kwa siku saba toka Desemba tarehe 26 hadi Januari 1. Sherehe hiyo iliyotokana na vuguvugu la Wamarekani weusi kuenzi historia na utamaduni wao toka Afrika. Ilianzishwa mwaka 1966. Katika makala haya, tutaonyesha kwamba Kiswahili katika sherehe hiyo hakitumiki kama lugha ya mawasiliano, kinatumika kama lugha ya kuungana Wamarekani weusi na kuwakumbusha asili zao za kiafrika. Tutaangalia pia maoni mbali mbali ya Waafrika wanaojua Kiswahili na wanaoishi barani Afrika kuhusu sherehe hiyo. Tumeyachukua na tumeyachanganua maoni ya Waghana kwa sababu Ghana ilichaguliwa na watu wa diaspora na hasa na Warasta kama “nchi au ardhi ya rejeo”, kwa hivyo Waghana wanahusika sana na msukumo huu wa Wamarekani weusi.

The purpose of this study is to analyse the role of the Organisation of African Unity (OAU) as an international governmental organisation in regional co-operation and stability from 1963 until 2000. It is also aims to evaluate the OAU's success or failure as the initiator of African unity and the driver of regional co-operation and stability in Africa within political, economic and social spheres. As background, the motivation for the study is discussed and the problem is stated. From this, research questions are formulated, and objectives identified. Three hypotheses are formed, which the study aimed to prove. The range of core theoretical foundations, concepts, characteristics, theories, approaches and classifications are examined in detail as foundations for an understanding and evaluation of the role of the OAU. Regional organisations as a phenomenon are also studied in-depth with reference to their nature, meaning and historical origins. Inter-state relations in the international community are theoretically explored, as well as the position and potential of regionalism within international public administration. Concepts, characteristics, types and functions of regional organisations and the role of co-operation, sovereignty and supra-nationalism in regional co-operation are covered. Following this, a study is made of the historical origins, nature and character of Pan-Africanism and the evolution of the OAU. Based on the structural-functional approach, the nature and essential characteristics of the organisation are analysed, with reference to its structures, and the tasks of the Secretary-General and its various commissions. In addition, the former relationship between the OAU and the UN is also highlighted. The role of the OAU is evaluated as a regional organisation involved in the establishment of regional co-operation in Africa in the political, economic, cultural and social spheres. The study concludes with an evaluative synthesis of its findings, proposals and conclusions. The OAU is found to have been successful in certain regards, but in others, it failed to attain its primary purpose: to forge unity on the continent and to create co-operation among states. Its successor, the African Union could learn some valuable lessons from the OAU's history. / Public Administration and Management / (D.P.A.)