The thesis concerns itself with the discrepancy in the understanding of political and exception between Carl Schmitt and Giorgio Agamben. Interpretation of their selected works is accomplished through the employment of the hermeneutical method by Hans-Georg Gadamer, while the comparison is drawn along the lines of the comparative textual method by Kerry Walk. Thesis answers the question of posed conceptual discrepancy, as well as the question of validity of the use of the method of circular movement in the research of contemporary political science.

Despite recent scholarship, critics have yet to offer a sustained, interdisciplinary interpretation of John Milton's engagement with millennial ideas that takes into equal account the historical context of seventeenth-century religious and political controversy, the ways in which the pending apocalypse transformed how people imagined and experienced time, and how we see evidence of this cultural shift in Milton's poetry. This dissertation opens new possibilities of understanding Milton's relation to apocalyptic belief in the Revolutionary and Restoration era through an investigation of how millennial thinking cut across a variety of discourses including theology, politics, and science. At its most basic level, my dissertation argues the seventeenth-century anticipation of the apocalypse fundamentally altered the way people imagined time; this new way of conceptualizing temporality changed early modern religious beliefs, conceptions of history, the scientific imagination, and practices of reading philosophy, politics, and literature. My project proposes that the poetry of Milton helps us better understand these extensive cultural transformations. I explore this new understanding of time that is both reflective of discursive changes in the seventeenth century as well as characteristic of Milton's aesthetics, by offering an understanding of Milton's relationship with millennial ideas and their constitutive temporal structure. I argue that, in response to the inevitable and immanent "end of time" suggested by seventeenth-century apocalyptic temporality, Milton's poetry creates an alternative temporality, opening up an experience of time that is not necessarily unidirectional, closed, and speeding towards its end. I suggest that this different experience of time can best be understood through the framework of a temporality explored by contemporary philosophers Walter Benjamin, Jacques Derrida, and Giorgio Agamben--messianic time. Put in its most basic terms, messianic time is a way of thinking about temporality differently, of calling into question our narratives of how time and history function. The messianic invites us to interrogate the notions of closure, certainty, and inevitability that are implicit in our linear, apocalyptic notion of time. Milton's texts continually constitute the possibility of a messianic temporality that can be read as a response to changing conceptions of time in the seventeenth century, millennial anticipation, and the belief that the apocalypse was close at hand. Entering a recent critical conversation regarding Milton's engagement with millennial and apocalyptic thinking, I suggest that we can understand this involvement through the alternative temporality his poetry creates. Each chapter of this dissertation fuses a formalist close reading of the temporality and uncertainties opened up by generic revisions, literary allusions, and rhetorical devices in Milton's poetry with a reading of how ideologically-conflicting interpretations of millennial time are articulated in the text and are reflective of contemporary discourse. I demonstrate how messianic time functions in each text and I prove the importance of this experience as it relates to historical and ideological questions about the millennium. This dissertation contributes to an ongoing conversation regarding how political, religious, scientific, and aesthetic texts are interconnected, and explores the plurality of Milton's ideological positions as they emerge out of the ambivalence and tension in the language of his poetry. In my reading, Milton's texts articulate a way of being in the world--both structural (created through language) and historical (tied to seventeenth-century millennial thinking)--that suggests uncertainty is the condition of knowledge and truth. / English

Submitted by JÚLIO HEBER SILVA (julioheber@yahoo.com.br) on 2017-09-06T18:49:27Z No. of bitstreams: 2 Dissertação - João Lourenço Borges Neto - 2017.pdf: 1209614 bytes, checksum: 050ca1a30d51754d18db382badb8fda8 (MD5) license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Luciana Ferreira (lucgeral@gmail.com) on 2017-09-15T15:39:38Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 2 Dissertação - João Lourenço Borges Neto - 2017.pdf: 1209614 bytes, checksum: 050ca1a30d51754d18db382badb8fda8 (MD5) license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-09-15T15:39:38Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 2 Dissertação - João Lourenço Borges Neto - 2017.pdf: 1209614 bytes, checksum: 050ca1a30d51754d18db382badb8fda8 (MD5) license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017-05-11 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior - CAPES / At the end of the year 2013, in Athens, Giorgio Agamben presented an important reflection on the fate of European democracy. According the philosopher, we no longer live under the aegis of democracy and the governmental paradigm of our time could not even be called political. The concept that replaced any political notions was that of security, and the slogan "for security reasons" has taken on a worldwide scale the new parameter of government of the contemporary political order. In order to understand this diagnosis, Giorgio Agamben proposed, on that occasion, the invitation to carry out a genealogy of the concept of security from an acute research on its origin and history in the paradigm of state of exception. This dissertation aims, together with Agamben, to untangle the concept of a state of exception, too demonstrating its implication and relation with human life. The concept of exception state developed by Agamben during the Homo Sacer project resumes the debate about the law between Carl Schmitt and Walter Benjamin in the 1920s. We reconstitute this debate step-by-step to demonstrate how essential it was for Agamben to contact the works of the German jurist for the development of the theme of exception. It was, however, taking on Benjamin's side in that discussion that the Italian philosopher was instigated to direct his fiercest criticisms of the democratic state of law. It follows from this takeover of the diagnoses of being the state of exception the governance paradigm of contemporaneity and the sign that the state of exception inscribes sovereignty in a paradox. We also develop Agamben's proposal to point to the confluence between the biopolitical model coined by Foucault, but years before also diagnosed by Hannah Arendt, and the juridical-institutional model. That is, the point where life and right touch the figure of the sovereign and the bare life. What this dissertation also worried to point out from the title was how much the contact with the theoretical contribution of Walter Benjamin was decisive for Agamben in the development of his political concepts composed in the political project Homo Sacer. / No fim do ano de 2013, em Atenas, Giorgio Agamben expôs uma importante reflexão sobre o destino da democracia europeia. Segundo o filósofo, não vivemos mais sob a égide da democracia e o paradigma governamental de nosso tempo sequer poderia ser denominado político. O conceito que substituiu quaisquer noções políticas foi o da segurança e o slogan ―por razões de segurança‖ assumiu, em escala mundial, o novo parâmetro de governo da ordem política contemporânea. Para compreendermos esse diagnóstico, Giorgio Agamben propôs, naquela ocasião, o convite de realizar uma genealogia do conceito de segurança a partir de uma pesquisa aguda sobre a sua origem e história no paradigma de estado de exceção. Esta dissertação tem como finalidade, em conjunto com Agamben, destrinçar o conceito de estado de exceção demonstrando, também, qual seria a sua implicação e relação com a vida humana. O conceito de estado de exceção desenvolvido por Agamben no decorrer do projeto Homo Sacer retoma o debate sobre o direito travado entre Carl Schmitt e Walter Benjamin na década de 20 do século XX. Reconstituímos passo-a-passo esse debate para demonstrar o quanto foi essencial para Agamben o contato com as obras do jurista alemão para o desenvolvimento do tema de exceção. Foi, contudo, tomando para si o lado de Benjamin naquela discussão que o filósofo italiano foi instigado a direcionar suas críticas mais ferozes ao estado democrático de direito. Seguem dessa tomada de partido os diagnósticos de ser o estado de exceção o paradigma de governo da contemporaneidade e a indicação de que o estado de exceção inscreve a soberania em um paradoxo. Desenvolvemos ainda a proposta de Agamben em apontar para o ponto de confluência entre o modelo biopolítico, cunhado por Foucault, mas anos antes também diagnosticado por Hannah Arendt, e o modelo jurídico-institucional. Isto é, o ponto onde vida e direito se tocam na figura do soberano e da vida nua. O que esta dissertação também se preocupou em pontuar, desde o título, foi o quanto o contato com o aporte teórico de Walter Benjamin foi determinante para Agamben no desenvolvimento de seus conceitos políticos compostos no projeto político Homo Sacer.

No description available.

Tesis para optar al grado de Doctor en Filosofía / Autor no autoriza el acceso a texto completo de su documento. / La presente investigación protocoliza una hipótesis de lectura que sostiene la existencia de un carácter trágico-político en el pensamiento de Michel Foucault, Giorgio Agamben y Roberto Esposito. En sus obras, aquello quedaría expresado por seis principios compartidos por su filosofía. Primero, una vocación crítica a la tradición filosófica metafísica, expresada en la importancia que sobre su pensamiento ejerce el influjo de la filosofía de Nietzsche y Heidegger. Segundo, la centralidad del problema del cuerpo, en torno al estudio de la gubernamentalidad biopolítica. Tercero, una concepción trágica del lenguaje como crítica a la metafísica de la representación. Cuarto, el carácter crítico de la experiencia política moderna y la apertura de otra posibilidad. Quinto, una comprensión filosófico-política del «agón» trágico como principio de lo político. Sexto, la recuperación del «pesimismo trágico» y la melancolía como disposición ética, estética y política. En suma, sostiene que este carácter «trágico-político», comportaría la posibilidad de un otro modo de pensar o imaginar la política. Para ello propone la noción trágica de «lo descomunal» como categoría analítica que piensa lo político como relaciones de fuerzas basadas en el principio de lo agonal, irreductible y acontecimental.

Made available in DSpace on 2015-04-14T13:55:20Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 453107.pdf: 786257 bytes, checksum: d1f48d70f9b1683a7bae6bfccf087446 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2014-01-06 / This study investigates the notion of state of exception in Giorgio Agamben as an apparatus that captures the life of the citizen through its own suspension, an empty space of law, a zone of anomie in which all legal determinations come into a zone of indistinctness. The theorization of this legal institute is developed in a perspective of an genealogical and paradigmatic approach in order to situate it on the threshold of the contemporary world and its political consequences and what may mean to act politically today. In order to analyze modern theories of state, the italian thinker employs an artifice of Roman law: the iustitium the suspension, stoppage of law , that produced a legal vacuum. In the Modernity, the state of exception operates continuously with multidimensional forms in which the concentration field is the modern paradigm of the nomos an the bare life reaches its maximum indeterminacy . In the state of exception which unites norm and life, that applies disapplying itself, produces an anomie zone, the challenge is to paralyze the biopolitical machine of the state of exception which determines life on multiple levels, since the earliest eras of Western civilization. / Este estudo investiga o estado de exce??o em Giorgio Agamben enquanto dispositivo que, por meio do direito captura a vida do cidad?o, pela de sua pr?pria suspens?o, um espa?o vazio de direito, uma zona de anomia em que todas as determina??es legais entram em uma zona de indistin??o. A teoriza??o desse instituto jur?dico ? desenvolvida na perspectiva de uma abordagem geneal?gica e paradigm?tica em vista de situ?-lo no limiar da contemporaneidade, suas consequ?ncias em ?mbito pol?tico, e o que ainda pode significar agir politicamente na atualidade. Ao analisar as modernas teorias de estado, o pensador italiano emprega um artif?cio do direito romano: o iustitium, suspens?o, paralisa??o da lei, que em seu tempo produzia um v?cuo jur?dico. Na modernidade, o estado de exce??o continua a operar de modo permanente sob formas multidimensionais, nas quais o campo de concentra??o ? o paradigma moderno do nomos e a vida nua atinge sua m?xima indetermina??o. No estado de exce??o que une a norma e a vida, que se aplica se desaplicando, pela for?a-de-lei, produz uma zona anomia, o desafio reside em paralisar a m?quina biopol?tica do estado de exce??o, que determina a vida nas m?ltiplas esferas, desde os tempos primitivos da civiliza??o ocidental.

Submitted by PPG Filosofia (filosofia-pg@pucrs.br) on 2018-05-21T13:23:09Z No. of bitstreams: 1 TES_EVANDRO PONTEL.pdf: 1669935 bytes, checksum: dc53b74e976fd4e66a17b0190ab0ae3f (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Caroline Xavier (caroline.xavier@pucrs.br) on 2018-06-06T17:35:08Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 TES_EVANDRO PONTEL.pdf: 1669935 bytes, checksum: dc53b74e976fd4e66a17b0190ab0ae3f (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-06-06T17:37:56Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 TES_EVANDRO PONTEL.pdf: 1669935 bytes, checksum: dc53b74e976fd4e66a17b0190ab0ae3f (MD5) Previous issue date: 2018-03-16 / Conselho Nacional de Pesquisa e Desenvolvimento Cient?fico e Tecnol?gico - CNPq / L?attuale ricerca ha l?obiettivo di analizzare la condizione politica in Occidente e la stretta relazione tra la vita nuda ed il bio potere nel pensiero di Giorgio Agamben. Il punto di partenza dello scritto s?incontra nella sua costruzione teorica che precede il progetto homo sacer, una proposta senza divisioni ed inquadrature o classificazioni tra estetica/arte e politica, che consente di cogliere la potenzialit? del suo pensiero. Tale proposta filosofica fornisce una lettura critica della modernit? e del modo in cui era strutturato il pensiero occidentale. In questo modo s?intende analizzare come la vita umana si colloca nella centralit? della scena politica ed in quale forma avviene la sua cattura dentro la macchina governativa che opera in una relazione d?eccezione, rendendo la nuda vita usa e getta con la decisione sovrana. Tenendo conto della centralit? del concetto di vita nel pensiero dell?autore, ? possibile articolare un?ontologia di vita libera del vincolo ontologico che, focalizzato sull?argomento, ha strutturato l?ontologia e l?etica attraverso i secoli in Occidente. Dai concetti di inoperosit?, uso e forma di vita, si propongono indizi indicativi di un?ontologia di vita in quanto potenza e possibilit?. La sfida consiste nel pensare a nuovi usi e forme di vita di fronte alla biopolitica che definisce e determina la vita nei tempi attuali; il compito per eccellenza del pensiero e della filosofia che viene. / A presente pesquisa tem por objetivo analisar a condi??o pol?tica no Ocidente e a estreita rela??o entre a vida nua e o biopoder no pensamento de Giorgio Agamben. O ponto de partida da exposi??o situa-se em sua constru??o te?rica que precede o projeto homo sacer, uma proposta sem cis?es e enquadramentos ou classifica??es entre est?tica/arte e pol?tica, o que permite captar a potencialidade de seu pensamento. Referida proposta filos?fica proporciona uma leitura cr?tica da modernidade e da forma como se estruturou o pensamento ocidental. Desse modo, pretende-se analisar como a vida humana est? posta na centralidade da cena pol?tica e de que forma ocorre sua captura no interior da m?quina governamental que opera em uma rela??o de exce??o, tornando a vida nua descart?vel por meio da decis?o soberana. Levando-se em conta a centralidade do conceito de vida no pensamento do autor, ? poss?vel articular uma ontologia da vida liberada do legado ontol?gico que, focado no sujeito, tem estruturado a ontologia e a ?tica ao longo dos s?culos no Ocidente. A partir dos conceitos de inoperosidade, uso e forma-de-vida, prop?em-se tra?os indicativos de uma ontologia da vida ? enquanto pot?ncia e possibilidade. O desafio consiste em (re)pensar novos usos e formas-devida diante da biopol?tica que define e determina a vida nos tempos que correm ? a tarefa por excel?ncia do pensamento e da filosofia que vem.

The TV show is a central focus of American life, one that not only reflects but also produces social imaginaries for the American audience that support the way people interact and engage with reality. It is the nation’s most influential storyteller, which dominates the nation’s imagination and understanding of reality. This dissertation explores the political and cultural meanings of four TV shows from the George W. Bush era: The West Wing (1999-2007), Deadwood (2004-06), The Wire (2002-08) and Heroes (2006-10). In examining these TV shows, this dissertation aims to shed light on both the origins of the state of exception, its conduct, its purpose, and the possibility of meaningful critique of or resistance to the state of exception. Chapter I discusses The West Wing, focusing on President Bartlet’s decision-making process regarding the assassination of Abdul Shareef, so as to elucidate the decisive actions of a sovereign figure in a state of exception. Chapter II explores Deadwood’s resurrection of the nineteenth-century mining camp in our twenty-first century, in terms of the capitalist state of exception. In discussing the show’s portrayal of the conflicts among the main characters, this chapter reveals that the same sovereign logic of exception is innate in the expansion of capitalism. Chapter III examines The Wire’s depiction of rebellious petty-sovereigns such as Major Colvin, Detectives McNulty and Freamon. According to The Wire, the claims of equality are deeply urgent in the bleak reality of contemporary America. With their commitment to equality and justice, the petty-sovereigns intervene in the bleak reality in their subversive ways. Chapter IV explores Heroes’s rendering of the main characters’ struggles against a fictional national emergency, the Company’s conspiracy to blow up half of New York City. In this chapter, I argue that Heroes portrays a political subject that attempts to constitute itself outside biopolitical sovereign power—what Hardt and Negri would call the advent of the multitude. While explicating the struggles of the main characters, I argue that its limitation in envisioning a new world underscores how contemporary critics fail to see past sovereign politics when they imagine another world. / English

La pensée politique se heurte aujourd'hui à l’impossibilité de définir la communauté politique une fois les catégories traditionnelles (Nation, Peuple, Classe) mises en déroute. À l'heure de la critique de toutes les catégories totalisantes, de toutes les essences, la tâche de penser le commun paraît ardue. Pourtant, trois auteurs de philosophie politique, Giorgio Agamben, Jean-Luc Nancy et Jacques Rancière, ont tenté, dans leurs œuvres respectives, de relever le défi. Ce mémoire passe en revue leurs propositions pour une communauté désubstantialisée, ne s'assemblant plus autour d'une particularité exclusive mais ne sombrant pas non plus dans l'universalisme abstrait. Il présente les prémisses principales sur lesquelles s'appuie cette vision de la communauté : une politique sans archè, la fin de toute téléologie et l'appropriation de l'impropriété. La dernière partie du mémoire présente la proposition de recherche qui stipule que c'est en réactivant le thème de l'exigence communiste que ces trois auteurs peuvent énoncer la communauté politique comme un partage extatique, évitant le piège du libéralisme mais aussi du communautarisme. ______________________________________________________________________________ MOTS-CLÉS DE L’AUTEUR : communauté, Jacques Rancière, Jean-Luc Nancy, Giorgio Agamben, extatique, anarchie, Bataille, désœuvrement, singularité, impropriété, commun, exigence communiste.

<p>This dissertation examines the pair subject-subjectivity embedded in the problematic of the end of art, as it is figured in exemplary fashion by film and literature. The analysis examines critically the problem of the subject vis-à-vis subjectivity by opening a dialogue that allows the necessary double terms of this discussion to emerge in the first place from the encounter with selected filmic and literary texts: Jacques Rivette's La belle noiseuse and Samuel Beckett's Film, The Unnamable and The Lost Ones. These texts are analyzed on an equal footing with the thought of Michel Foucault, Roland Barthes, Gianni Vattimo, Giorgio Agamben, and Gilles Deleuze who have written on both subjectivity and art. The study thus proposes a real movement - in terms and through art - that treats the metaphor of anamorphosis on the level of praxis: the image of subjectivity appears on the screen that is the filmic or literary text as the result of a passage in terms. The subject that emerges at the end of the analysis puts in perspective a certain practice of metonymic reading as renewed political potential of subjectivity.</p> / Dissertation