A multidisciplinary approach is needed to critique the frequently invoked but seldom questioned notion of "human dignity," a discursive tool that is subtly serving abusive power structures while seemingly promoting human rights. The discourse of human dignity misrepresents the meaning of empowerment for modern citizens, making them interested more in political gestures and less in profit, comfort and protection from abuse. Dignity‘s epistemes—self-assertion, recognition, political action, public-spiritedness, responsibility, resistance, the denial of animal instinct, sacrifice—should not be human ideals, for they are exactly the opposite of the sovereign‘s characteristics and because they are responsible for recursive violence that preserves the status quo. They should be replaced with ethics based on sensuous interest, instinct, and natural-spiritedness (a sense of mystical oneness with other living beings). This dissertation answers Foucault‘s question about how the modern state endows citizens with a political subjectivity while simultaneously subjecting them to a totalized system, exposing human dignity as just the link between individuation and totalization. It questions Agamben‘s notion of the indistinction between political life and natural life, arguing that sovereign power, using the discourse of human dignity, creates a clear distinction. The human dignity discourse keeps the human within political life, representing such life as the middle point between the instinctive life of the animal and the mechanical life of the laborer. In reality, the dissertation shows, these two demonized modes of life are the same mode, which should be championed as a valuable and empowered state of being. In the literary field, a close examination reveals that J. M. Coetzee‘s fiction subverts the human dignity discourse while Kazuo Ishiguro‘s work is enmeshed in it. Coetzee generates sympathy for humans who lack the sense of human dignity and act on mere instinct. He offers ―disgrace‖ as a spiritual-ethical state of sensuality, acceptance and humility and promotes an agenda of desire-based rights in lieu of dignity-based ones. His writings also eschew authorial dignity as they discount the values of newness and originality in favor of expression attuned to desire, even when such moves appear selfish and politically irresponsible.

As it is widely accepted, human rights are inalienable and equal rights that we have simply because we are human. They are guaranteed to all people regardless of their nationality, race, sex, ethnicity, etc. Moreover, they are rights that their holder cannot lose them temporarily or permanently. Yet, today many millions people around the world are denied to exercise their most basic human rights because they are not citizen of any country. They are stateless people. Although there have been many international human rights mechanisms to protect rights of stateless people, in real life almost all stateless people are still subject to torture, discrimination, xenophobia, racism, difficulty enjoying their social, economic and cultural rights, and arbitrary and indefinite detention. Considering this contradiction, this thesis aims to question the meaning of the existence of stateless people for human rights theory. This issue was firstly studied by Hannah Arendt. Then, her analysis has been developed by many authors in different manners. Two important figures among them are Giorgio Agamben and Jascque Ranci&egrave / re. Thus, this thesis attempts to evaluate the human rights of stateless people in the light of approaches of three authors: Arendt, Agamben, and Ranci&egrave / re. Considering critical power of both of three approaches to human rights in contrast to mainstream theories of human rights, this thesis regards Jascque Ranci&egrave / re&rsquo / s approach as an explanatory approach for human rights of stateless people since it focuses on political power of human rights for even stateless people.

No description available.

Dissertação (mestrado)—Universidade de Brasília,Instituto de Ciências Humanas, Programa de Pós-Graduação em Metafísica, 2017. / Submitted by Raiane Silva (raianesilva@bce.unb.br) on 2017-07-24T18:28:55Z No. of bitstreams: 1 2017_AlexGonçalvesPin.pdf: 1142831 bytes, checksum: c31cdc50186a07d0275a79d491f83702 (MD5) / Rejected by Raquel Viana (raquelviana@bce.unb.br), reason: Boa tarde, Por favor, verifique os campos título e referência. Atenciosamente on 2017-07-26T19:00:56Z (GMT) / Submitted by Raiane Silva (raianesilva@bce.unb.br) on 2017-07-26T19:05:34Z No. of bitstreams: 1 2017_AlexGonçalvesPin.pdf: 1142831 bytes, checksum: c31cdc50186a07d0275a79d491f83702 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Raquel Viana (raquelviana@bce.unb.br) on 2017-08-01T22:25:31Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 2017_AlexGonçalvesPin.pdf: 1142831 bytes, checksum: c31cdc50186a07d0275a79d491f83702 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-08-01T22:25:31Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 2017_AlexGonçalvesPin.pdf: 1142831 bytes, checksum: c31cdc50186a07d0275a79d491f83702 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017-08-01 / Pretende-se, aqui, explicar a relação entre soberania e governo e evidenciar sua mútua inflexão, conforme o pensamento do filósofo italiano G. Agamben. Essa inflexão está mediada pelas ideias de ὀικονομία e δόξα. Para tanto, foi necessário, em um primeiro momento, explicar a metodologia agambeniana, e em seguida visitar a leitura da história do pensamento político-teológico. O método agambeniano é arqueológico e paradigmático, isto é, diante das dicotomias estruturantes da cultura ocidental, ir além das exceções que as produz, não para encontrar um estado originário, mas para compreender a situação hodierna. Assim, a arqueologia é uma via de acesso ao presente. Trata-se de superar a lógica binária transformando-a em bipolaridades, passar das oposições substanciais para campos de forças, percorridos por tensões polares, sem traçar linhas claras de demarcação. Quando Agamben fala da compreensão paulina do “messiânico” e sua capacidade de derrubar qualquer representação através da “divisão da própria divisão”, sinaliza o cerne “teológico” do mais básico empreendimento filosófico. A mais filosófica obra de Agamben sempre terá correlato teológico, assim como seus escritos sobre teologia sempre terão importantes conclusões filosóficas. Em consequência, a bipolaridade auctoritas e potestas assume agora a forma da articulação entre reino e governo e faz questionar a relação entre ὀικονομία e δόξα, entre o poder como governo e gestão eficaz e o poder como realeza cerimonial e litúrgica. O paradigma político estaria atravessado, desde a origem, pelo paradigma econômico. O ponto oculto entre ambos consiste no conceito, jurídico e político, de estado de exceção. Em suma, aquilo que caracteriza a política moderna não é tanto a inclusão da zoé na pólis, em si antiguíssima, nem simplesmente o fato de que a vida como tal venha a ser um objeto eminente dos cálculos e das previsões do poder estatal; decisivo é, sobretudo, o fato de que, lado a lado com o processo pelo qual a exceção se torna em todos os lugares a regra, o espaço da vida nua, situado originariamente à margem do ordenamento, vem progressivamente a coincidir com o espaço político, e exclusão e inclusão, externo e interno, bíos e zoé, direito e fato entram em uma zona de irredutível indistinção. / It is intended here to explain the relationship between sovereignty and government and to show their mutual inflection, according to the thought of the Italian philosopher Giorgio Agamben. This inflection is mediated by the ideas of ὀικονομία, glory. In order to do so, it was necessary, at first, to explain the Agambenian methodology, and then visit the reading of the history of political-theological thinking. The Agambenian method is archaeological and paradigmatic. It is, in the face of the structuring dichotomies of Western culture, to go beyond the exceptions that produce them, not to find an original state but to understand the situation in which we find ourselves. Archeology is the only way to access the present. Overcoming binary logic means turning the dichotomies into bipolarities, the substantial oppositions in the field of forces, traversed by polar tensions that are present at each point, without tracing clear lines of demarcation. Field logic versus substance logic. In turn, when Agamben speaks of the Pauline understanding of the "messianic" and its ability to overturn any representation through the "division of division itself", it is signaling the "theological" core of the most basic philosophical enterprise. Agamben's most philosophical work will always have its theological correlate, just as his writings on theology will always have important philosophical conclusions. As a consequence, the bipolarity auctoritas and potestas now takes the form of the articulation between Kingdom and Government and makes question the relation between ὀικονομία and δόξα, between the power like government and effective management and the power as ceremonial and liturgical royalty. The political paradigm would be traversed, from the origin, by the economic paradigm. The hidden point between the two consists in the concept, legal and political, of state of exception. In short, what characterizes modern politics is not so much the inclusion of zoé in the polis, in itself very old, or simply the fact that life as such becomes an eminent object of calculations and predictions of state power; It is decisive, above all, that alongside the process by which the exception becomes the norm everywhere, the bare life space originally situated on the fringes of the order is progressively coinciding with the political space , And exclusion and inclusion, external and internal, bíos and zoé, law and fact enter a zone of irreducible indistinction.

Dissertação (mestrado)—Universidade de Brasília, Faculdade de Direito, Programa de Pós-Graduação em Direito, 2018. / Submitted by Raquel Viana (raquelviana@bce.unb.br) on 2018-06-26T21:36:33Z No. of bitstreams: 1 2018_RenatoReisCaixeta.pdf: 1006166 bytes, checksum: 4372718ce7a76d3c5f70f3ffbb8b9852 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Raquel Viana (raquelviana@bce.unb.br) on 2018-06-29T16:42:31Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 2018_RenatoReisCaixeta.pdf: 1006166 bytes, checksum: 4372718ce7a76d3c5f70f3ffbb8b9852 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-06-29T16:42:31Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 2018_RenatoReisCaixeta.pdf: 1006166 bytes, checksum: 4372718ce7a76d3c5f70f3ffbb8b9852 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2018-06-26 / A presente dissertação tem como objeto de investigação dois conceitos que se inserem na teoria política e jurídica de maneira única: poder constituinte, amparado na interpretação de Antonio Negri, e potência destituinte, que Giorgio Agamben articula ao final do seu projeto Homo Sacer. Ambos autores desenvolvem seus conceitos como alternativa filosófica que se impõe contra a estrutura jurídico-política na qual estamos inseridos. Para atingirmos nosso objetivo, procuramos analisar os pressupostos e as questões principais que qualificam tanto o poder constituinte quanto a potência destituinte. Em razão disso, primeiramente investigamos o conceito de potência em cada um dos filósofos, além de Espinosa, tendo em vista não apenas a sua expressão política, mas também sua configuração ontológica. Do mesmo modo, foram objeto de investigação conceitos que são percebidos como essenciais para a correta apreensão do nosso objeto de pesquisa, tais como o de soberania, poder, democracia, multidão, além de inoperosidade, uso, forma-de-vida. Mesmo que haja uma contraposição, uma aporia, entre poder constituinte e potência destituinte, o que está em jogo na teoria de ambos os autores é, justamente, arquitetar novas formas como nós compreendemos a política, o direito, mas também a ontologia que os acompanha. Todo o debate empreendido por Negri por um lado e por Agamben, de outro, está em vista de abrir as alternativas, as possibilidades, para pensarmos uma nova vida política. / The present dissertation has as object of investigation two concepts that are inserted in the political and juridical theory in a unique way: constituent power, supported in the Antonio Negri’s interpretation, and destituent potential, that Giorgio Agamben articulates in the end of his project Homo Sacer. Both authors develop their concepts as a philosophical alternative that imposes itself against the juridical-political structure that we are inserted. To reach our goal, we seek to analyze the assumptions and the main issues that qualify both the constituent power and the destituent potential. For this reason, we first investigate the concept of power (potential) in each philosophers, in addition to Espinosa, in view not only its political expression, but also its ontological configuration. In the same way, concepts that are perceived as essential to the correct apprehension of our research object, such as sovereignty, power, democracy, multitude, inoperability, use, form-of-life were also investigated. Even if there is a contraposition, an aporia, between constituent power and destituent potential, what is at the theory of both authors is precisely to architect new ways to we understand politics and law, but also the ontology that accompanies them . All the discussion undertaken by Negri on one hand and by Agamben on the other is aimed in opening alternatives and possibilities for thinking about a new political life.

Women and children are often the focus of humanitarian aid campaigns, generally considered to be the main victims of humanitarian emergencies. Previous research has explored the portrayal of victims within humanitarian action, focusing on humanitarian images, and how humanitarianism portrays the refugee. There is not, however, a lot of research that focuses on the humanitarian aid campaigns themselves, and not either on women´s victimisation specifically. This thesis thus makes a contribution to research by conducting a critical analysis of women´s portrayal in humanitarian aid campaigns, asking the research question of how women in the Democratic Republic of Congo are portrayed in humanitarian aid campaigns, with a broader aim of examining why humanitarian aid campaigns are gender based. I argue in this thesis through a single within case study that the empirical case “The worst period of her life” campaign created by ActionAid UK victimises women by associating women´s dignity with menstrual health, appealing to donors through the common hardships of menstruation, and picturing women as passive victims. The woman is portrayed as someone who is not capable of action, requiring external intervention. Using Agamben´s framework of “bare life” and homo sacer, this thesis concludes that women´s portrayal in the “The worst period of her life” campaign reduces the female victim to the realm of “bare life”. The already disadvantageous position that women have in the broader societal structure is reinforced by removing their agency in humanitarian aid campaigns. The results thus highlight problematic factors of women´s portrayal in humanitarian aid campaigns, opening for further research on the implications of the victimisation of women within humanitarian action.

Submitted by Automa??o e Estat?stica (sst@bczm.ufrn.br) on 2017-04-03T21:33:40Z No. of bitstreams: 1 DaniguiReniguiMartinsDeSouza_DISSERT.pdf: 915908 bytes, checksum: 4d2e4aa8ff487752ec8f6522aad615e8 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Arlan Eloi Leite Silva (eloihistoriador@yahoo.com.br) on 2017-04-10T18:23:44Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 DaniguiReniguiMartinsDeSouza_DISSERT.pdf: 915908 bytes, checksum: 4d2e4aa8ff487752ec8f6522aad615e8 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-04-10T18:23:44Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 DaniguiReniguiMartinsDeSouza_DISSERT.pdf: 915908 bytes, checksum: 4d2e4aa8ff487752ec8f6522aad615e8 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017-02-03 / Coordena??o de Aperfei?oamento de Pessoal de N?vel Superior (CAPES) / O conceito de biopol?tica tem se tornado um rico instrumento de an?lise ou uma esclarecedora chave hermen?utica para a reflex?o contempor?nea sobre a l?gica do poder, a genealogia do governo e o significado da pol?tica no mundo moderno. As diferentes concep??es de biopol?tica t?m cada qual suas especificidades. O foco da abordagem do presente estudo ser? exclusivamente o diagn?stico biopol?tico do presente elaborado por Agamben, no qual o conceito de biopol?tica est? centrado na politiza??o da vida biol?gica. Procuramos mostrar o modo como a ?arqueologia da biopol?tica? empreendida por Agamben pode ser compreendida a partir da an?lise de quatro no??es fundamentais, quais sejam: poder soberano, vida nua, estado de exce??o e campo. Analisamos, primeiro, de que modo Agamben pensou a associa??o entre o dom?nio pol?tico e a animaliza??o do homem a partir das lacunas deixadas pelas investiga??es de Arendt e Foucault. Em um segundo momento, examinamos a rela??o entre a organiza??o soberana dos corpos e o estado de exce??o. No terceiro passo de nosso percurso, analisamos a politiza??o da vida nua e a produ??o do homo sacer, a sacralidade da vida. Em uma quarta e ?ltima etapa, esclarecemos de que modo Agamben pensou o ?campo? como ?n?mos? secreto da biopol?tica na modernidade. Trata-se de explicitar de que forma a reflex?o de Agamben sobre o nexo existente entre poder pol?tico e vida nua se articula em torno desses quatro aspectos estruturantes. Buscamos evidenciar a relevante contribui??o que o pensamento de Agamben oferece para o diagn?stico cr?tico da racionalidade pol?tica nas sociedades contempor?neas, aprimorando nossa compreens?o sobre as novas formas do poder na modernidade tardia. / The concept of biopolitics is a rich instrument of analysis and interpretation of the logic of power, the genealogy of government and the meaning of politics in the modern world. The different conceptions of biopolitics each have their specificities. The focus of the present study will be exclusively the biopolitical diagnosis of the present elaborated by Agamben, in which the concept of biopolitics is centered on the politicization of biological life. We seek to show how Agamben's ?archeology of biopolitics? can be understood from the analysis of four fundamental notions: sovereign power, bare life, state of exception, and field. We first analyze how Agamben thought the association between the political domain and the animalization of man from the gaps left by the investigations of Arendt and Foucault. In a second moment, we examine the relationship between the sovereign organization of bodies and the state of exception. In the third chapter, we analyze the politicization of natural life and the production of homo sacer, the sacred life. In the fourth chapter, we clarified how Agamben thought of the ?field? as a secret ?notion? of biopolitics in modernity. Therefore, we seek to show how Agamben's reflection on the nexus between political power and bare life is articulated around these four structuring aspects. We seek to highlight the relevant contribution that Agamben's thinking offers to the critical diagnosis of political rationality in contemporary societies, enhancing our understanding of the new forms of power in late modernity.

abstract: The purpose of this study is to examine the influence of neoliberalism on the occurrence and intervention of genocide, particularly the ability to create othered groups through a process of dehumanization that desensitizes those in power to the human condition. I propose Social Externalization Theory as paradigm that explains how neoliberalism can be used as a means social control to create subjects vulnerable to political and collective violence that is justified as the externalized cost of economic growth, development, and national security. Finally, the conflict in Darfur (2003 - 2010) serves as a case study to analyze the influence of neoliberal policies on the resistance of the International community to recognize the violence as genocide. Analysis of the case study found that some tenets of neoliberalism produce results that fit within the ideologies of genocide and that some aspects of neoliberalism assume a genocidal mentality. In this case, those in positions power engage in daily activities that justify some suffering as acceptable, thus desensitizing them to the harm that their decisions generate. / Dissertation/Thesis / M.S. Justice Studies 2013

Orientador: Yara Adario Frateschi / Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-23T18:24:01Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 RoveredeGodoy_FernandoHenrique_M.pdf: 1137444 bytes, checksum: da7248bea36650b13c9f42d618ec0fde (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013 / Resumo: Neste Trabalho, o escopo é analisar como Giorgio Agamben e Hannah Arendt pensam a política contemporânea, principalmente a relação da política com o direito. A intenção é mostrar que, apesar de ambos os autores partirem de diagnósticos da modernidade bastante parecidos, chegam a lugares bem diferentes no tocante à relação do direito com a política. Ambos parecem compartilhar, à primeira vista, um diagnóstico de esvaziamento do espaço público, o predomínio da violência nas relações, uma sociedade massificada, a vida biológica ganhando centralidade nos contextos políticos, etc. Porém, com base nessas premissas, Agamben chega a teses como o Estado de Exceção permanente, o campo (de concentração) como paradigma da política contemporânea, a contiguidade entre o totalitarismo e a democracia e o caráter essencialmente violento do direito, teses essas que não podem ser aceitas por Arendt. A intenção é demonstrar que mesmo Arendt compartilhando esse diagnóstico com sua concepção de política pautada na pluralidade e na liberdade, ela enxerga outras perspectivas para a política atual, como o papel da Constituição de garantir as liberdades públicas / Abstract: This study aims to analyze how Giorgio Agamben and Hannah Arendt think the contemporary politics, chiefly the relation between politics and law. The intent is to show that, although both authors derive from very similar diagnosis of modernity, they reach well-distinct places regarding the relation between law and politics. Both of them seem to share, at first sight, a diagnosis of public space emptying, the predominance of the violence in relations, a massified society, the biological life acquiring centrality in political contexts etc. However, based on those premises, Agamben get to theses such as the state of permanent exception, camp (concentration) as a contemporary politics paradigm, the contiguity between the totalitarianism and democracy, and the essential violent character of the law, such theses which cannot be accepted by Arendt. The intent is to demonstrate that, although Arendt shared that diagnosis with his conception of politics guided by plurality and liberty, she sees other perspectives for the current politics, as the role of the constitution to assure the public liberties / Mestrado / Filosofia / Mestre em Filosofia

Orientador: Oswaldo Giacoia Junior / Tese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-19T08:59:11Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Barsalini_Glauco_D.pdf: 1405816 bytes, checksum: 94e8440db87ac34d25bfb65a2e09be1a (MD5) Previous issue date: 2011 / Resumo: A presente tese de doutorado tem por escopo discutir aspectos da teoria política de Giorgio Agamben, em especial os conceitos que ele apresenta a respeito do poder soberano, da violência do Estado contemporâneo, da exclusão, em razão do estado de exceção permanente, dos sujeitos sociais por ele chamados homo sacer e, finalmente, dos direitos humanos. A obra política de Giorgio Agamben se ergue sobre um intenso debate ocorrido especialmente entre três importantes pensadores contemporâneos: Carl Schmitt, Walter Benjamin e Hannah Arendt. Enquanto o pensador contemporâneo se utiliza de Schmitt para entender a condição violenta do Estado atual naquilo que corresponde ao estado de exceção e da consequente criação do campo como o espaço da consolidação da exceção; ele se aproxima de Arendt para discutir a democracia como uma proposta para o futuro, na perspectiva da criação efetiva do direito a ter direitos; e se fundamenta em Benjamin para compreender a condição violenta do Estado e do direito contemporâneos, descortinando o engodo gerado pelo mito do contrato social. Este trabalho se divide em seis capítulos, além de sua Introdução. No primeiro, discutiremos a questão da soberania, exceção, Estado e direito, traçando paralelos e demonstrando discordâncias entre fontes diretas e indiretas da obra de Agamben, como Carl Schmitt, Hans Kelsen, Max Weber e Georg Wilhelm Friedrich Hegel. No segundo capítulo, abordaremos os reflexos, no pensamento de Agamben, dos antagonismos entre as teorias de Schmitt, Benjamin, Kelsen e Arendt, no que concerne à questão da unidade e da pureza. No capítulo seguinte, concentraremos maior atenção sobre os conceitos de autoridade e poder, momento em que promoveremos um contraponto entre Arendt e Schmitt, observando os reflexos das formulações desses autores na filosofia política de Agamben. No quarto capítulo mostraremos as críticas, divergentes entre si, feitas por Arendt, de um lado, e Schmitt, de outro, sobre o problema da revolução permanente. Então, demonstraremos a influência de Karl Marx sobre a obra de Georges Sorel, e desta sobre a de Benjamin. Nesse momento, relacionaremos o messianismo de Benjamin com a "profecia" da "política que vem", feita por Agamben, além de demonstrarmos as proximidades de tal "profecia" com a concepção anárquica da política social desenvolvida por Foucault. No quinto capítulo, trabalharemos a questão do sagrado, do profano e do tempo que resta, este, tema de livro de Agamben, em que ele tem por referência preciosas formulações de São Paulo. O centro deste capítulo, além da obra mencionada, será o livro Homo Sacer: o poder soberano e a vida nua I. Finalmente, no capítulo derradeiro, abordaremos os temas direitos humanos e democracia, ao procedermos à conclusão deste trabalho / Abstract: This doctorate thesis has for its objective to discuss aspects of the political theory of Giorgio Agamben, especially the concepts that he presents in regards to the sovereign power, in regards to the violence of the contemporary State, in regards to the exclusion, on account of the state of permanent exception, of the social subjects by him called homo sacer and, finally, in regards to the human rights. The political work of Giorgio Agamben was based upon an intense debate occurring amongst three important contemporary thinkers: Carl Schmitt, Walter Benjamin and Hannah Arendt. While the contemporary thinker uses Schmitt to understand the violent condition of the present State in that that it corresponds to the state of exception and of the consequent creation of the rural environment as the space of the consolidation of the exception; he comes close to Arendt to argue the democracy as a proposal for the future, in the perspective of the effective creation of the right to have rights; and he bases in Benjamin to understand the violent condition of the State and of the contemporary rights, uncovering the decoy generated by the myth of the social contract. This work is composed of six chapters, not including the introduction. In the first chapter, we will discuss the question of sovereignty, governing by exception, State and right, drawing parallels and showing disagreements between direct and indirect sources of the work of Agamben, and Carl Schmitt, Hans Kelsen, Max Weber and Georg Wilhelm Friedrich Hegel. In the second chapter, we will approach Agamben's thoughts about the consequences of the differences between the theories of Schmitt, Benjamin, Kelsen and Arendt, with respect to the question of unity and purity. In the following chapter, we will focus attention on the concepts of authority and power, when we will promote a counterpoint between Arendt and Schmitt, observing the consequences of the formulations of those authors in the political philosophy of Agamben. In the fourth chapter we will show the criticisms, made by Arendt, on one hand, and Schmitt, on the other, and about the problem of the permanent revolution. We will then demonstrate the influence of Karl Marx over the work of George Sorel, and also the influence of George Sorel over the work of Benjamin. At this moment, we will relate the messianism of Benjamin with the "prophecy" of the "politics that comes", made by Agamben, as well demonstrating the proximity of such "prophecy" with the anarchic conception of the social politics developed by Foucault. In the fifth chapter, we will pursue the question of the sacred, of the profane, and of the time that remains, the latter being the subject of the book of Agamben, in which he has referenced precious formulations of Saint Paul. The focus of this chapter, beyond the work mentioned, will be the book Homo Sacer: the sovereign power and the bare life. Finally, in the last chapter, we will approach the subjects of human rightsand democracy, after which we will proceed to the conclusion of this work / Doutorado / Filosofia / Doutor em Filosofia