Submitted by JÚLIO HEBER SILVA (julioheber@yahoo.com.br) on 2017-04-04T19:15:18Z No. of bitstreams: 2 Dissertação - Frederico dos Santos Araújo - 2016.pdf: 1175231 bytes, checksum: a8e5c8f6fcc772bc2845c8bc68adb25e (MD5) license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Luciana Ferreira (lucgeral@gmail.com) on 2017-04-05T10:50:23Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 2 Dissertação - Frederico dos Santos Araújo - 2016.pdf: 1175231 bytes, checksum: a8e5c8f6fcc772bc2845c8bc68adb25e (MD5) license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-04-05T10:50:23Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 2 Dissertação - Frederico dos Santos Araújo - 2016.pdf: 1175231 bytes, checksum: a8e5c8f6fcc772bc2845c8bc68adb25e (MD5) license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-08-04 / The initial purpose of this essay is to look for evidences that the work of the italian writer Giorgio Agamben influences the Latin American academic politic literature in a significative way. In a complementary manner, it intends also to evaluate if the own latin american history represents an incentive to researchers of different knowledge's areas get help in the Agamben's teachings, in reason to a convergency of theories (Homo Sacer, State of Exception, bare life, biopolitic, camp, etc) and facts (colonization, dictatorial regimes, violence state, etc.). At the end, original manners to enrich reasonings and debates about important social political problems will also be evaluated, using, for that, concepts developed by Giorgio Agamben, writer that, necessary to register, owns a theoretical framework rich, dense, sometimes complex, but, first off all, quite appropriate to face actual questions related to the natural tension between the State and the Individual and, therefore, related to the own life. / A proposta inicial desta dissertação concentra-se, principalmente, na procura de indicativos de que a obra do escritor italiano Giorgio Agamben influencie de maneira significativa a literatura político acadêmica produzida na América Latina. De modo complementar, pretendese avaliar também se a própria história latino americana representa um incentivo para que pesquisadores de diferentes áreas do conhecimento recorram aos ensinamentos de Agamben em razão de uma convergência entre teorias (Homo Sacer, estado de exceção, vida nua, biopolítica, campo, etc) e fatos (colonização, regimes ditatoriais, violência estatal, etc). Por fim, serão avaliadas também maneiras originais de enriquecimento de raciocínios e debates elaborados sobre importantes problemas sociopolíticos, utilizando, para tanto, conceitos desenvolvidos por Giorgio Agamben, autor que, necessário registrar, possui um arcabouço teórico rico, denso, algumas vezes complexo, mas, acima de tudo, sobremodo apropriado para o enfrentamento de questões atuais e relacionadas à tensão natural entre o Estado e o indivíduo e, portanto, à própria vida.

This work considers what ontology might be after the deconstruction of arché in Reiner Schürmann's and Giorgio Agamben's thinking. It addresses the question by reading Schürmanns historical deduction of the categories of presencing in his book Heidegger On being Acting: From Principles to Anarchy. This deduction is at the heart of his thought in that it tries to manifest what it means to live the transition from arché to an-arché, from a life under principles and why's, to a life without why, and the principle of anarchy. This transitional thought rests on what he calls the hypothesis of closure of the metaphysical field. The deduction is therefore a question of a relation between the first beginnings end as an other beginning. He shows this by establishing categories that are both conceptual- and sensible form. This reaches its full articulation in what he calls the categories of transition; categories in which the distinction between category and intuition seems to collapse – that are its own gaze or eye, that sees both the past and the future at the same time. This is a question regarding relationality: the transition from a causal relationality to an anarchic relationality, from a substance ontology to relational ontology. What is the relational status of the transition itself and its categories? This question lead to the main one: is the transition between arché and an-arché a relation between the two? The overall purpose is to explore this question in order to open, in the end, a path between him and Agamben. The later has pointed out that the key problem to live truly anarchic is a critique of the ontological relation because language presuppositional structure manifests in it, which takes its “full” form in his work The Use of Bodies. Here, perhaps – which we only can point to – Schürmann's thought can meet Agamben's in the caesura between arché and an-arché. Can anarchy ever be in a position of principle? In the end we will have to point to the notion of oikonomia as an area of further research to understand the question of anarchy between Agamben and Schürmann.

There is great interest in testimonies, both in society at large and as a theoretical concept. Within educational research testimony is used to understand and develop epistemological, political or ethical thinking. In this thesis I investigate what testimonies and the act of witnessing can do in relation to education. More specifically, I investigate what kind of pedagogical possibilities there are in witnessing and testimony, in relation to teaching as well as outside schools. Focusing on three different aspects (of these phenomena), namely representation, subjectivity and emotion I discuss different examples of testimonies. These are Collateral Murder, The Living History Forum’s book Tell Ye Your Children…, Gruva by Sara Lidman and Odd Uhrbom, and pictures with Alan Kurdi from 2015 taken by Nilüfer Demir. I examine the pedagogical possibilities of testimony and witnessing based on the idea that such possibilities are situated in human imperfection and lack of ability, where the knowledge is placed in the impossibility, in our not-knowing. This dialectical understanding, drawing on Giorgio Agamben, implies a different formulation than previous research, by highlighting the impossibility of witnessing and of testimony, for example by how the testimony does not stand outside the political, and in Western society more specifically, the capitalist system. Through the analyses of the different aspects (representation, subjectivity, emotions) I show how testimonies can serve as a way to control the students' emotions and perceptions (drawing on Sara Ahmed), and influence the perception of the society in which the students live. I have also shown how the act of witnessing can be done at the witness’ own expense (by drawing on The Latina Feminist Group). It can mean that testimonies work as a way to reproduce various stereotypes of different people's suffering and thus consolidate existing power structures and identities. The conditions surrounding witnessing and testimonies make witnessing an act that can be perceived as a poetic testimony, as well as an exploitation or expropriation of already vulnerable people. With this said, I also argue for the value of bringing into teaching testimonies that testify of suffering. Testimonies stand between the past and the future and have important things to speak of. If testimonies are not heard in teaching, there is a possibility of silencing and forgetting the wounds in history. It is in teaching where the repetitive work of a literary reading (Gayatri Chakravorty Spivak) can take place. A literary reading that emphasizes the difficulties in testimonies and one’s own part of and relation to it. It is the effort of the repetitive work in teaching that can lead to pedagogical possibility, and through that, enter the future.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-27T17:27:00Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Jonnefer Francisco Barbosa.pdf: 1451287 bytes, checksum: 4a8ac398f7c4c388e91be584717c42ca (MD5) Previous issue date: 2012-04-17 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / The present thesis aims to address the problem of the relations between politics and time in the work of the Italian philosopher Giorgio Agamben, which is situated within four thresholds where this question is further developed: a) the problem about bare life and forms-of-life; b) the community problem; c) the state of exception; d) the relation among time, memory and history. From the inventory that Agamben will make out of the originating concepts of the treaty of Aristotle Peris Psykhês as well as the archaic Roman Law towards the definition of bare life , to the Agamben s readings on the reflections of Walter Benjamin, Hannah Arendt and Michel Foucault, which will be tackled as biopolitical hypothesis , by going through surveys on the Schmitt s exception and the reine Gewalt in Benjamin s, the thesis is intended to expose the inevitable threshold of the political problems with the discussions on time and memory within Agamben s philosophy presented below, in addition to some of the main difficulties, implications and contradictions involving its formulation. Thresholds (Schwellen) must be understood herein not only in a methodological but also epistemological sense the way that Agamben thinks its philosophy, through ontology, politics, law and esthetics and the temporary sense, the specificity of the thresholding concept to characterize the unique relation about the human time with the memory, the history and the politics / A presente tese objetiva abordar o problema das relações entre política e tempo na obra do filósofo italiano Giorgio Agamben, situando-o a partir de quatro limiares onde esta questão é ali desenvolvida: a) a problemática da vida nua e das formas-de-vida; b) o problema da comunidade; c) o estado de exceção; d) a relação entre o tempo, a memória e a história. Do inventário que fará Agamben de conceitos oriundos do tratado aristotélico Peris Psykhês e do direito romano arcaico para a definição da vida nua , às leituras agambenianas das reflexões de Walter Benjamin, Hannah Arendt e Michel Foucault a partir do que chamaremos de hipótese biopolítica , passando pelas pesquisas sobre o estado de exceção schmittiano e a reine Gewalt em Benjamin, esta tese pretende expor a inevitável imbricação da problemática política com os debates em torno do tempo e da memória na filosofia agambeniana, apresentado, ademais, algumas das principais aporias, implicações e antinomias envolvendo sua formulação. Limiares (Schwellen) devem ser entendidos aqui tanto em um sentido metodológico e epistemológico a forma como Agamben pensa sua filosofia, na passagem entre a ontologia, a política, o direito e a estética quanto em um sentido temporal, a especificidade do conceito de limiar para caracterizar a singular relação do tempo humano com a memória, a história e a política

Title: The Lilja case – a study about discourse and media representations of violence within ice hockey The purpose of this study is to examine the discourses that influenced the debate in Swedish sport media around the professional ice hockey player Jakob Liljas 10-game suspension and subsequent assault conviction by the Swedish legal system. The aim is to see how Lilja’s violence was defined and what voices were the most prominent in the debate. The study is based on a theoretical framework consisting of Laclau and Mouffe’s discourse theory and Agamben’s ideas of the Homo Sacer and the State of Exception. Using Laclau and Mouffe, an analytical toolbox was assembled to deconstruct the discourses present in the debate. The analysis found two dominant discourses within the debate: a sports discourse and a law discourse. The study found two nodal points that defined how the discourses treated Lilja’s violence; the nodal point “crime” within the law discourse, and the nodal point “rule violation” within the sports one. The sports discourse argued against the legal process maintained that Lilja had already received a sufficient punishment through his suspension. The law one was centred around the premise that legal action was required to properly punish Lilja. The analysis found that the sports discourse unsuccessfully tried to position the sport of ice hockey as a State of Exception where the laws of regular society should not apply. There were also similarities between the underlying masculine norms that informed how the sports discourse treated player health and Agambens Homo Sacer, how people’s life worth is reduced in order to justify certain conditions imposed on them. While a true State of Exception or Homo Sacer does not exist in this scenario, as Lilja was ultimately convicted according to the rules of the law discourse, it is interesting that ideas that align with these concepts were well represented in the medial debate.

In 1990, Chile made a successful transition from the authoritarian dictatorship that had ruled the country since 1973 to a democratically elected government. The authoritarian regime was characterized by massive and systemic practices of human rights abuses, and it left an official toll of 5,000 deaths, about 2000 of which constitute “detained and disappeared people”, and an additional 27,000 people who have been officially recognized as victims of torture. These figures do not take into account the unknown numbers of Chilean exiles, or those who were internally displaced or who lost their jobs due to their suspected political affiliations. The human cost of the military regime has continued to be one of the most enduring issues confronting the post-authoritarian Chilean nation. This thesis builds on the work of critical researchers who locate the Chilean authoritarian regime in the transnational politics of the Cold War and their effect in implementing neo-liberalism in Chile. This literature demonstrates that terror was a constitutive, rather than an incidental, element of neo-liberal governmentality: governmentality that inscribed itself on Chilean bodies through terror practices and that remains unscathed through the transition to democracy. With that premise in mind I explore, through a historical analysis of major conjunctures in the history of human rights debates in Chile, how the post-authoritarian nation accounts for the human rights legacies of authoritarianism while obscuring the continuity of authoritarian governmentality. I propose that human rights constitute a biopolitical governmental regime that in a manner comparable to the authoritarian terror captures human life within the realm of state power. As a regime, human rights submit experiences of terror to specific power-knowledge technologies that render terror intelligible, manageable and governable. Rather than promoting essential values of truth and justice, the human rights regime produces specific discourses of truth and justice as well as specific discourses of subjectivity and nation. In concrete terms, this thesis explores how the post-authoritarian nation and it subjects use the human rights regime to discursively construct a national truth in order to promote and protect specific governmental arrangements.

In 1990, Chile made a successful transition from the authoritarian dictatorship that had ruled the country since 1973 to a democratically elected government. The authoritarian regime was characterized by massive and systemic practices of human rights abuses, and it left an official toll of 5,000 deaths, about 2000 of which constitute “detained and disappeared people”, and an additional 27,000 people who have been officially recognized as victims of torture. These figures do not take into account the unknown numbers of Chilean exiles, or those who were internally displaced or who lost their jobs due to their suspected political affiliations. The human cost of the military regime has continued to be one of the most enduring issues confronting the post-authoritarian Chilean nation. This thesis builds on the work of critical researchers who locate the Chilean authoritarian regime in the transnational politics of the Cold War and their effect in implementing neo-liberalism in Chile. This literature demonstrates that terror was a constitutive, rather than an incidental, element of neo-liberal governmentality: governmentality that inscribed itself on Chilean bodies through terror practices and that remains unscathed through the transition to democracy. With that premise in mind I explore, through a historical analysis of major conjunctures in the history of human rights debates in Chile, how the post-authoritarian nation accounts for the human rights legacies of authoritarianism while obscuring the continuity of authoritarian governmentality. I propose that human rights constitute a biopolitical governmental regime that in a manner comparable to the authoritarian terror captures human life within the realm of state power. As a regime, human rights submit experiences of terror to specific power-knowledge technologies that render terror intelligible, manageable and governable. Rather than promoting essential values of truth and justice, the human rights regime produces specific discourses of truth and justice as well as specific discourses of subjectivity and nation. In concrete terms, this thesis explores how the post-authoritarian nation and it subjects use the human rights regime to discursively construct a national truth in order to promote and protect specific governmental arrangements.

My reading of the figure of Adele, a woman with dementia, in David Chariandy’s novel Soucouyant: A Novel of Forgetting (2007), brings Giorgio Agamben’s biopolitical concept of “bare life” together with the notion of the subject in diaspora to theorize a new mentality that I call “bare mind.” The notion of “bare mind” addresses how cognitive imperialism creates a biopolitical state of exception both under forms of sovereign power and within a liberal regime of multicultural governmentality, while acknowledging the ways in which dementia, portrayed as the ‘forgetting’ of dominant knowledge regimes, reveals resistance to cognitive imperialism. / Graduate / 0352 / rebekah.ludolph@gmail.com

The twenty-first century has seen a resurgence of academic interest in biopolitics: the often oppressive political power over human biology, human bodies and their actions that emerges when political technologies concern themselves with and act upon a population as a species rather than as a group of individuals. The publication of new works by theorists including Michel Foucault, Giorgio Agamben, Roberto Esposito, Michael Hardt and Antonio Negri has furthered academic understanding of biopolitical attempts to ensure an orderly, productive society. Biopolitics bases these attempts upon optimising the majority population’s health and well-being while constructing simultaneously a subrace of unruly, unproductive bodies against which the majority requires securitising. However, despite the still-proliferating and increasingly diverse recent theoretical work on the subject, little material has appeared examining how literature represents biopolitics or how theories of biopolitics may inform literary criticism. This thesis argues for Salman Rushdie’s novels as an exemplary site of fictional engagement with biopower in their portrayal of the increasingly intense and pervasive biopolitical technologies used in the twentieth and twenty-first centuries. Rushdie has been considered frequently as a novelist who explores political discourses of race and culture. However, analysis of the ways in which he depicts these discourses animating recent biopolitical practices has proven scarcer in Rushdie Studies. This thesis asserts that Rushdie’s novels affirm consistently the desirability of non-racialising polities, but almost always suggest little possibility of constructing such communities. In the process, it will reveal that he represents more numerous and varied forms of racialisation than has been supposed previously. This study considers how Rushdie describes biopolitical racialisation by state and superrace alike, the massacres of subraces that often ensue, how biopower operates and is resisted in space, and the discursive and practical forms this resistance takes. Contrasting Rushdie’s early fiction with his less-studied more recent works, this analysis deploys, critiques and augments canonical theories of biopower in order to chart his generally growing disinclination to depict this resistance’s potential success. This study thus works towards a new biopolitical literary criticism which argues that although the theories of Foucault and others illuminate the ways in which literature represents power and resistance in contemporary politics, narrative fiction indicates simultaneously the limitations of these theories and the practices of resistance they advocate.

Submitted by Suelen Reis (suziy.ellen@gmail.com) on 2013-04-11T18:47:14Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertacao Karina Souzaseg.pdf: 467180 bytes, checksum: 86aad574118d56e6f1b1733299df0d05 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Maria Alice Ribeiro(malice@ufba.br) on 2013-05-02T16:02:22Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertacao Karina Souzaseg.pdf: 467180 bytes, checksum: 86aad574118d56e6f1b1733299df0d05 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2013-05-02T16:02:23Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertacao Karina Souzaseg.pdf: 467180 bytes, checksum: 86aad574118d56e6f1b1733299df0d05 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2008 / A entrada na esfera pública brasileira de novos fatos e relatos sobre a violação dos direitos humanos cometidos na ditadura militar tem um significado para além da comprovação desses excessos e do julgamento dos responsáveis. A luta pelo resgate das memórias subterrâneas também diz respeito à possibilidade de dar sentido às experiências vividas por quem sofreu a violência de Estado. A discussão teórico-metodológica sobre relações entre memória, esquecimento e linguagem, parte das propostas metodológicas de Hannah Arendt, segundo a qual, somente as histórias narradas dão significado ao passado e possibilitam a compreensão necessária à reconciliação com o mundo e consigo mesmo. Entretanto, outros autores aportam importantes contribuições à discussão, como a idéia de fragmentos da memória em Walter Benjamin, a discussão da relação entre memória e história em Michael Pollak, o conceito de vida nua de Agamben, etc. Buscamos ver, nas falas de três filhos cujos pais sofreram o arbítrio estatal, o que os move e o que os dificulta na transmissibilidade de suas narrativas. / Salvador