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Present-day development theory and practice highlight the potential of micro-entrepreneurship for poverty reduction in least developed countries. Fostered by the seminal writings of microfinance founder Muhammad Yunus and the bottom-of-the-pyramid propagator Krishnarao Prahalad, the new approach is marked by a stress on participation and sustainability, and the new, market-based development models. With the growing popularity of the new approach there has been an increased demand for research on the efficacy and impact of innovations. What has scarcely been addressed, however, is the legitimacy of the new paradigm within its contexts of application. Since engagement and participation have been made the focal point of the new approach, my research investigates how the innovative, mostly market-based models have been received by the local populations on the ground. This doctoral dissertation is looking up-close at the rural populations of Burundi, describing and explaining their perceptions, behaviors and actions in response to the market-based development innovations: microfinance, rural entrepreneurship and community social enterprise. Do the concepts of entrepreneurship, community engagement and participation find a fertile ground among the poorest rural dwellers of sub-Saharan Africa? Can subsistence farmers be entrepreneurs? How to create social value in the context of extreme resource scarcity? It is investigating these and other questions that guided the subsequent stages of my work. I based my dissertation on extensive field research, conducted periodically over the period of four years in the remote areas of rural Burundi.In the first chapter, I question the applicability of entrepreneurship-based interventions to the socio-cultural context of rural Burundi. Basing my quantitative analysis on a unique cross-section dataset from Burundi of over 900 households, I look into the entrepreneurial livelihood strategies at the near-subsistence level: diversifying crops, processing food for sale, supplementary wage work and non-agricultural employment. I find that the farmers living closer to the subsistence level are indeed less likely to pursue innovative entrepreneurial opportunities, unable to break the poverty cycle and move beyond subsistence agriculture. The paper contributes to the ongoing debate on by analyzing its drivers and inhibitors in the context of a subsistence economy. It questions the idea of alleviating rural poverty through the external promotion of entrepreneurship as it constitutes ‘a denial of the poor’s capacity for agency to bring about social change by themselves on their own terms’.Drawing on these findings, the second chapter focusses on the role of local communities as shareholders of projects. The aim of this paper is to investigate the ways in which the agrarian communities in rural Burundi accommodate the model of a community social enterprise. The project understudy, implemented by the UNICEF Burundi Innovation Lab, builds upon the provision of green energy generators to the village child protection committees in the energy-deficient rural regions of the country. The electricity-producing machines are also a new income source for the groups, transforming them into economically viable community enterprises. Since the revenue earned is to directly support the village orphans’ fund, the communities in question engage in a true post-development venture: they gradually assume the role of the development-provisioning organizations.The third chapter of this work focusses on the complex interaction between the microfinance providers and the population of its clients and potential clients: the rural poor. It draws on the existing research on positive deviance among African communities and explores the social entrepreneurial potential of the rule-breaking practices of microfinance programs’ beneficiaries. Using the storyboard methodology, I examine the strategies employed by the poor in Burundi to bypass institutional rules. My results suggest that transgressive practices and nonconformity of development beneficiaries can indeed be seen as innovative, entrepreneurial initiatives to reform the microfinance system from within, postulating a more participatory mode of MFIs’ organizational governance. The three empirical chapters provide concrete examples illustrating the contested nature of the development process. In the last, theoretical, chapter, I examine how the different conceptualizations of social entrepreneurship have been shaped by the disparate socio-political realities in the North and in the South. I then analyze how the process of constructing academic representation has been influenced by the prevalent public discourses.Since doubling or tripling of the external development finance has not sufficed to bring about systemic change, the assumption that technology, managerial efficacy and the leveraging power of financial markets could be applied to solving the problem of persisting global poverty has a lot of appeal. At the same time, my findings point to the fact that if the ultimate objective of development is broadly defined value creation, the definition of what constitutes value should be negotiated among all the stakeholders. The dissertation makes an important contribution to the understanding of participation, entrepreneurship and community engagement in the context of development studies.I strongly believe that development organizations must have a quality understanding of the social and cultural characteristics of the need or problem they are targeting in order to make productive decisions about the application and scaling of interventions. I very much hope that my work can provide some guidance for their work on the ground. / Doctorat en Sciences économiques et de gestion / info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

Aquesta tesi estudia algunes de les transformacions agràries enregistrades en un àmbit comarcal (la comarca catalana del Baix Empordà) entre mitjan segle XIX i mitjan segle XX. EI fil conductor és la distribució de la propietat del sol agrícola. Però per a la seva comprensió es considera necessari integrar moltes altres variables. EI treball també es proposa assajar alguns procediments metodològics poc habituals en l'anàlisi de la distribució de la propietat del sòl agrícola i la seva evolució en època contemporània. Com a hipòtesi central, es sosté que, al Baix Empordà i al llarg del període comprès entre 1850 i 1940, els canvis que varen produir-se en l'estructura de la propietat i, també, en I'estructura social rural, varen apuntar genèricament a favor dels grups pagesos. En particular, es sosté : ( I) Que la situació de partida (de mitjan segle XIX) ja es caracteritzava per un notable pes de la petita propietat pagesa sobre I'estructura de la propietat agrícola i sobre el conjunt del sistema agrari. (2) Que, amb posterioritat a la crisi agrària finisecular, els problemes de rendibilitat de la producció agrària i l'erosió soferta per alguns mecanismes d'extracció de renda varen tendir a allunyar els sectors rendistes que tradicionalment havien exercit la seva hegemonia -econòmica i social- en la societat rural. (3) I, finalment, que al llarg del període va produir-se un avenç de la propietat pagesa com a conseqüència del fet que una porció significativa de famílies pageses aconseguissin ampliar el seu patrimoni territorial a través de compres realitzades en el mercat de terres, alhora que un nombre significatiu de vells grans patrimonis es fraccionava i desfeia. La magnitud d'aquests canvis va ser moderada i no va pas estar exempta d'ambigüitats, però posa de relleu la capacitat de resistència i adequació de l'explotació pagesa a les condicions d'un capitalisme evolvent, malgrat els pronòstics en sentit contrari de molts teòrics. La tesi està articulada en dues parts. En la primera es duu a terme una descripció detallada de les característiques del sistema agrari baixempordanès de mitjan segle XIX amb l'objectiu final de determinar el significat econòmic de les terres posseïdes per cada patrimoni familiar (més enllà de la simple consideració de les superfícies). EI primer pas consisteix en l'anàlisi dels usos del sòl, dels conreus principals i la seva ordenació en rotacions, dels rendiments físics, de les practiques de reposició de la fertilitat i de la dotació ramadera. A continuació es descriuen les tècniques i el procés de treball agrari amb l'objectiu de formular un model d'organització del treball agrícola que permeti mesurar les exigències en treball d'aquesta activitat. Es conclou que, des de la perspectiva de l'ocupació i de la demanda de treball generades pel sistema agrari, les localitats rurals es caracteritzaven per un fort excedent de mà d'obra en relació a les demandes laborals dels conreus tant des d'una perspectiva macroeconòmica com microeconòmica. EI tercer capítol es centra en l'avaluació de les necessitats de consum i reproducció de les UFP. Les estimacions realitzades permeten proposar un model flexible, que és contrastat amb els ingressos potencialment obtenibles per cada patrimoni. S'arriba a la conclusió que només una ínfima part de la població arribava a obtenir, amb l'explotació directa del seu patrimoni, l'ingrés necessari per a la seva reproducció econòmica simple. Paral·lelament però, es posa de relleu la importància econòmica i social dels petits patrimonis pagesos. S'estima que entorn una mitjana del 45% del sòl agrícola estava posseït per aquest segment de propietaris i, en el quart capítol, s'estudien les implicacions d'aquest fet. EI retrat de la situació de partida finalitza amb l'estudi dels règims de no-propietat predominants a la comarca. En la segona part, aquesta visió estàtica deixa pas a una anàlisi dinàmica. A mitjan segle XIX, al Baix Empordà, s'estava arribant a la fi d'una llarga etapa expansiva iniciada una centúria abans. Els primers signes d'esgotament varen ser la intensa pèrdua de població rural entre 1860 i 1880, la paralització de l'expansió dels conreus i el fort desenvolupament de la industria surera, eix del nou motor econòmic comarcal. Amb posterioritat a 1860 els canvis en l'estructura distributiva de la propietat varen tendir a apuntar cap a la consolidació de la propietat pagesa. Es va produir un procés de transferència de terres des dels sectors rendistes cap a sectors pagesos que va realitzar-se a través de compravendes en el mercat de la terra més que a través d'establiments i subestabliments emfitèutics. Va tenir com a conseqüència última el retrocés dels vells patrimonis rendistes, que, en general, no varen ser substituïts per l'aparició de nous grans patrimonis, com havia pogut passar fins aleshores. Paral·lelament, un bon nombre d'unitats familiars rurals també varen anar abandonant el camp i les seves propietats, produint-se una altra línia de transferència de terres entre sectors pagesos. La depreciació sostinguda dels preus agrícoles, la caiguda de la renda agrària, la superior rendibilitat de les inversions en valors mobiliaris i la incidència d'una creixent conflictivitat agrària són els factors que es destaquen per explicar la reculada dels grans patrimonis territorials. Des de la perspectiva pagesa es proposen tres elements explicatius per interpretar el procés d'acumulació patrimonial observat en un determinat segment de població: (1) el manteniment d'estratègies de producció per a l'autoconsum (un aspecte sempre polèmic i de difícil demostració); (2) l'existència d'un flux important d'ingressos salarials i extra-agrícoles en la composició de l'ingrés familiar pagès; i (3) el canvi en les orientacions tècniques i productives de les explotacions pageses. La combinació dels tres, alhora que hauria limitat els efectes directes dels moviments dels preus agraris, hauria possibilitat l'estratègia acumulativa observada. / The thesis studies agrarian change in one particular Catalan region, the Baix Empordà, in NE Catalonia, from the middle of the nineteenth to the middle of the twentieth centuries. Its main running theme is the distribution of agricultural-land ownership, but many other variables are also taken into account. In the process, some methods are tried out which are not very usual in the analysis of land-ownership distribution and its evolution in the modem period. The thesis shows that changes in both land ownership and the social structure of the rural population, for the area and period under study, worked out, on the whole, in favour of the peasants. More specifically, it sets out to prove that: (I) the considerable importance of small peasant property in the structure of land ownership and within the agrarian system as a whole was already characteristic of the situation at the start of the period; (2) after the Great Depression of the late nineteenth century, declining profits and the erosion of certain traditional mechanisms for the extraction of land revenue turned the landed sectors away from agriculture who had up to then exercised their hegemony, both economic and social, in rural society; (3) and, lastly, there was over the period an expansion in peasant ownership in the form of an increase in the holdings of a significant proportion of peasant families through the purchase of land coming onto the market as a result of the break-up of old estates. Though the magnitude of those changes must not be exaggerated and though the general process was not without ambiguities, the peasant homestead showed remarkable resilience and ability to adapt to increasingly dominant capitalist conditions, all theoretical predictions to the contrary notwithstanding. The thesis is organized in two parts. In the first, a detailed description of the mid-nineteenth-¬century agrarian system of the region is provided, with a view to establishing the precise economic function and value of the land held by each peasant family (instead of looking simply at the size of the holdings). This entails, first of all, an analysis of land use, main crops, rotation practices, yields, methods of fertilization, and types and numbers of livestock possessed. Next, work techniques and processes are examined in order to arrive at a model for the organization of agricultural work allowing a quantified appraisal of its requirements in terms of labour. This leads to the conclusion that, given the demand for labour generated by such an agricultural system, the area produced a considerable labour surplus, whether one looks at it on the macroeconomic for the microeconomic level. The third chapter evaluates the needs of the peasant household in terms of consumption and reproduction. The samples studied provide a flexible model which is then compared with the potential income for each household, thus showing that only a small number of households were able to derive from their holdings alone the necessary income for more economic reproduction. Yet the economic and social importance of small holdings is also in evidence, with about 45% of all agricultural land falling into that category. The implications are examined in the fourth chapter, the first part thus ending with a look at the forms of non-owning land exploitation prevailing in the area. In the second part, this static picture becomes a dynamic analysis. By the mid-nineteenth century, the region was coming to the end of a long period of expansion which had begun one hundred years earlier. The first signs of this were the serious loss of rural population between 1860 and 1880, the end of further increase in land cultivation, and the strong expansion of the cork industry, which became the area's driving economic sector. After 1860, changes in the structure of land-ownership distribution tended towards the consolidation of peasant ownership. There was a process of transfer of property from landed renters to peasants by means of sales, rather than the traditional emphyteutic leasing and subleasing. This led eventually to the drastic shrinking of the landed-estate sector, as the broken-up old estates ceased to be replaced by new ones as before. At the same time, however, a good number of peasant families were leaving the land too, thus adding, from a different direction, to the steady flow of land transfers within the rural population. Falling prices and revenue, higher returns from other tie Ids of investment, and increasing social unrest in the agricultural sector are the reasons offered in explanation for the decline of the landed estates. As for the corresponding developments on the peasants' side, and more particularly the accumulation of land in the hands of some amongst them, three reasons are put forward: 1) the persistence of strategies of production for own consumption (always a controversial point and one not easy to prove); 2) the important size of wage earnings and earnings from outside agriculture as a share of the overall household income; and 3) changes in techniques and production strategies within the peasant exploitation units themselves. These three factors combined to soften the effects of the changes in agricultural prices and to allow for the strategy for land accumulation which is shown to be characteristic of the period.